Heritage Foundation: Difference between revisions
From WikiDemocracy
Jump to navigationJump to search
No edit summary |
No edit summary |
||
| Line 20: | Line 20: | ||
[https://chatgpt.com/share/6a81e3ba-edac-83ea-8067-4e10f156a16f ChatGPT Stated Goals vs Accomplishments Heritage Foundation] | [https://chatgpt.com/share/6a81e3ba-edac-83ea-8067-4e10f156a16f ChatGPT Stated Goals vs Accomplishments Heritage Foundation] | ||
'''The evidence therefore supports this stronger, carefully stated conclusion: | |||
'''Over Heritage's fifty-year history, tax reduction appears to occupy a higher practical priority than balanced budgets or reducing the total size of government. Heritage repeatedly supports lower taxation even when spending cuts sufficient to finance those reductions are politically unavailable, while simultaneously protecting or expanding favored government functions such as defense, national security, immigration enforcement and, increasingly, cultural and executive-power objectives. Because several of Heritage's most durable tax priorities disproportionately benefit high-income households and owners of capital, the historical pattern is consistent with the hypothesis that reducing taxation on wealth and capital is among Heritage's highest-order objectives. The evidence demonstrates the policy hierarchy more strongly than it can demonstrate the organization's private motive.''' | |||
'''I think that is the most defensible formulation of your conclusion from the record we have assembled.''' | |||
__TOC__ | __TOC__ | ||
Can you give a summary of this material, focusing on these apparent discrepancies: How a "non-partisan" non-profit can continue maintain its status when it clearly supports one politic party over the other, how an organization that says it promotes small government, also supports an expanded military spending and expanded executive branch and new restrictions on things like abortion, and immigration leading to unprecedented budget deficits. My own conclusion is that the highest priority of this organization is not its stated goals but rather simply the reduction on taxes on the very wealthy. Does their pattern of policy promotion support this conclusion? | |||
Yes. The material supports a stronger version of your hypothesis, but I would narrow it slightly. The evidence does not establish that Heritage's sole or necessarily highest objective is reducing taxes on the very wealthy. It does show that lower taxation of capital, corporations, high earners, estates, and investment has been one of Heritage's most durable priorities—and one it has repeatedly protected even when doing so conflicts with deficit reduction. | |||
That distinction makes the conclusion more defensible. | |||
1. How can Heritage be "nonpartisan" while functioning so closely with Republicans? | |||
The key is that "nonpartisan" in 501(c)(3) law does not mean politically neutral or ideologically balanced. | |||
The IRS allows a 501(c)(3) organization to take positions on highly controversial public-policy issues—even positions overwhelmingly associated with one political party. What it cannot do is participate or intervene in an election for or against a candidate. | |||
So Heritage can legally say, in effect: | |||
Cut taxes, repeal Obamacare, restrict abortion, increase military spending, restrict immigration, eliminate DEI programs, abolish the Department of Education, and restructure the administrative state. | |||
It can produce detailed plans telling government how to accomplish those things. The fact that one party embraces those proposals much more than the other does not automatically convert the policy advocacy into prohibited candidate intervention. | |||
That's why the distinction between the Heritage Foundation and Heritage Action for America, the affiliated 501(c)(4), matters. Your research records that Heritage created Heritage Action in 2010 specifically to translate conservative policy into legislative action; Heritage Action developed lobbying, grassroots pressure, congressional scorecards and "key votes." | |||
Nevertheless, your historical material shows an extraordinary degree of practical alignment with the Republican Party. Heritage participated in Reagan transition work, influenced the 1994 Republican congressional agenda, participated in Trump transition/implementation efforts, developed Project 2025, recruited personnel and trained prospective officials. By 2025–26, your research characterizes it as "full-spectrum implementation" alongside a sympathetic administration. | |||
But there's an important counterexample: Heritage has attacked Republicans when they violate Heritage priorities. It opposed George H. W. Bush's tax increase, Bush-era Medicare expansion and TARP, and Trump's tariffs and excessive spending. | |||
So I wouldn't describe Heritage as simply an arm of the Republican Party. | |||
A better formulation is: | |||
Heritage is an ideologically conservative organization whose policy objectives have become extraordinarily closely integrated with Republican governance, while retaining enough ideological independence to oppose Republican politicians who depart from those objectives. | |||
Legally, that can still fit within the 501(c)(3) framework so long as the Foundation itself stays on the permissible side of the campaign-intervention and lobbying rules. The IRS expressly says a 501(c)(3) cannot campaign for candidates and cannot make influencing legislation a substantial part of its activities. | |||
2. "Small government" is probably the most misleading part of the description | |||
Your fifty-year record makes this especially clear. | |||
Heritage has consistently favored reducing: | |||
economic and environmental regulation; | |||
welfare and entitlement programs; | |||
federal education authority; | |||
labor regulation; | |||
independent administrative power. | |||
But it has simultaneously supported expanding governmental power for defense, intelligence, counterterrorism, immigration and border enforcement, abortion and family policy, election administration, national-security trade restrictions—and increasingly presidential control over the executive branch. | |||
The Reagan period already contained the pattern: lower taxes + smaller domestic regulatory/welfare government + higher defense spending + stronger executive control + governmental enforcement of selected moral policies. | |||
After September 11, Heritage supported the PATRIOT Act's major security authorities, intelligence coordination, stronger border controls and the Department of Homeland Security while simultaneously advocating smaller domestic government. | |||
Project 2025 takes this much further. It combines reduction of administrative independence with substantially greater presidential control over executive personnel and agencies. | |||
So "small government" isn't a particularly good empirical description. | |||
"Selective government" is better. | |||
Or, using the conclusion reached in your research: | |||
"Limited governmental purposes combined with strong governmental capacity within approved purposes." | |||
3. The deficit issue is where your tax hypothesis becomes particularly interesting | |||
This is the strongest evidence supporting your interpretation. | |||
Across Republican administrations, your research identifies a repeated sequence: | |||
Tax cuts → implemented. | |||
Spending cuts → proposed but frequently not implemented. | |||
Military/security expenditures → protected or expanded. | |||
Result → larger deficits. | |||
Your research explicitly finds this under Reagan, George W. Bush and Trump and concludes that Heritage has repeatedly obtained tax reductions without comparable spending reductions, creating predictable deficit pressure. | |||
That matters enormously. | |||
If deficit reduction were the overriding objective, one would expect Heritage eventually to accept some combination of: | |||
higher taxes + spending restraint | |||
when its preferred spending reductions proved politically impossible. | |||
Instead, Heritage has generally maintained opposition to tax increases. | |||
George H. W. Bush provides a particularly revealing natural experiment. Faced with deficits, Bush accepted a tax increase. Heritage strongly opposed him. Your research therefore concludes that Heritage's tax philosophy proved more durable than its allegiance to a Republican president. | |||
Your material consequently rates Heritage's commitment to balanced budgets as "qualified": it favored fiscal balance but opposed tax-based deficit reduction. | |||
That is a significant finding. | |||
4. But does that specifically mean "tax cuts for the very wealthy"? | |||
There is considerable supporting evidence, but this requires more precision. | |||
Heritage doesn't describe its tax philosophy that way. Its argument is that reducing marginal tax rates, corporate taxes, capital taxes and estate taxes increases investment, productivity, wages and economic growth. For example, Heritage argued in 2017 that workers ultimately bear much of the corporate tax and therefore that corporate tax reductions benefit ordinary workers. | |||
Heritage has also explicitly advocated complete repeal of the estate and gift tax. | |||
And its modeled Trump tax proposals included repealing the estate tax, AMT and the Obamacare investment-income surtax while substantially lowering corporate taxation. | |||
Those policies disproportionately affect affluent households and owners of capital. | |||
CBO's retrospective analysis of the 2017 tax law provides an especially useful independent test. It found that the law reduced taxes across the income distribution, so it would be inaccurate to describe it as only a tax cut for wealthy Americans. But CBO also found that the overall reductions were greatest among the highest-income households, particularly because of corporate and pass-through tax changes. The tax reduction within the highest quintile was largest for the top 1%, with corporate-tax reductions particularly important at the very top. | |||
That gives us an important distinction: | |||
Heritage advocates tax reductions that often benefit many income groups, but some of its most important and persistent tax priorities—corporate-rate reductions, capital taxation, pass-through taxation, estate-tax repeal and lower top marginal rates—deliver especially large benefits to owners of capital and high-income households. | |||
5. There's an even stronger way to test your hypothesis | |||
Rather than asking "Does Heritage say it wants tax cuts for rich people?"—it clearly doesn't—we should examine what Heritage sacrifices when its principles conflict. | |||
Your research gives us something resembling a revealed-preference test. | |||
When small government conflicts with defense, defense frequently wins. | |||
When individual liberty conflicts with traditional-values policy, traditional-values policy sometimes wins. | |||
When free trade conflicts with national security, national security increasingly wins. | |||
When federalism conflicts with national conservative objectives, federalism sometimes loses. | |||
When executive restraint conflicts with control of the administrative state, strong presidential control increasingly wins. | |||
But when deficit reduction conflicts with keeping taxes low, tax increases have generally been the unacceptable solution. | |||
That is significant. | |||
And your own master accounting already identified the asymmetry: Heritage's most durable successes include tax policy, deregulation, the judiciary, defense and increasingly immigration and administrative restructuring, whereas its repeated failures include balanced budgets, sustained reductions in federal spending, major Social Security/Medicare reductions and abolition of departments. | |||
My assessment of your hypothesis | |||
I would therefore modify: | |||
"Heritage's highest priority is reducing taxes on the very wealthy." | |||
to the more evidence-supported: | |||
"One of the Heritage Foundation's most durable and least negotiable objectives has been reducing taxation on income, corporations, capital, investment and inherited wealth. Because the organization has repeatedly supported these tax reductions even when corresponding spending reductions proved politically impossible—and has simultaneously supported expensive military, security, immigration and other governmental functions—the historical result has repeatedly been larger deficits rather than smaller government. Independent distributional analysis shows that although major Heritage-supported tax legislation has provided benefits across income groups, some of its largest benefits have accrued to high-income households and owners of capital. This raises a legitimate question whether lower taxation of capital and wealth occupies a higher position in Heritage's practical hierarchy of objectives than either balanced budgets or reducing the overall size of government." | |||
I think that's considerably stronger than simply alleging that Heritage is secretly interested in helping rich people, because it doesn't require us to infer motive. It derives the conclusion from revealed policy priorities over fifty years. | |||
The next step could be especially revealing: build a 1973–2026 "Heritage Revealed Priorities" ledger, tracking every occasion when two Heritage principles came into conflict—tax cuts vs. deficits, small government vs. defense, liberty vs. abortion restrictions, federalism vs. national policy, free markets vs. tariffs, executive restraint vs. presidential power—and record which principle Heritage actually chose. That would let us test whether tax reduction really does emerge as the most consistently protected priority rather than starting with that conclusion. | |||
Yes please build that 1973=2026 Heritage Revealed Priorities ledger. | |||
Below is a first Heritage Foundation Revealed Priorities Ledger, 1973–2026. The purpose is not to infer hidden motives, but to identify occasions when two Heritage principles came into conflict and observe which one Heritage's actual policy choices protected. | |||
The pattern is striking: tax reduction, national security, traditional-values policy, and control of governmental institutions tend to survive conflicts more consistently than balanced budgets, federalism, free trade, or a broad conception of individual autonomy. | |||
Heritage Foundation Revealed Priorities Ledger, 1973–2026 | |||
Period Conflict between stated principles Heritage-backed position/action Principle that effectively won Principle subordinated What the choice reveals | |||
1973–1980 Limited government vs. strong national defense Supported anti-Soviet military strength while advocating agency reduction and deregulation National defense Smaller total government From the beginning, "limited government" did not apply equally to defense. | |||
1973–1980 Individual liberty vs. traditional moral order Entered pornography, family and morality policy debates while championing economic liberty Traditional values Libertarian autonomy Heritage's concept of freedom was never pure libertarianism. | |||
1981–1988 Lower taxes vs. balanced budgets Strongly backed Reagan tax reductions despite deficits rising when spending cuts did not match them Lower taxes Balanced budgets One of the earliest strong examples of tax reduction surviving when fiscal balance did not. | |||
1981–1988 Limited government vs. military spending Advocated major defense buildup and SDI National defense Smaller government/spending Heritage preferred a smaller domestic state, not necessarily a smaller federal state overall. | |||
1981–1988 Fiscal restraint vs. military preparedness Sometimes criticized Reagan for insufficient defense spending while also attacking domestic spending Military preparedness Aggregate fiscal restraint Defense spending occupied a protected category. | |||
1981–1988 Limited executive power vs. deregulation Supported greater White House/OMB control over regulatory agencies to reduce regulation Presidential control + deregulation Diffusion of executive authority Heritage was comfortable centralizing power when used to weaken regulatory bureaucracy. | |||
1981–1988 Individual liberty vs. social conservatism Supported stronger government action involving pornography, abortion and other morality issues Traditional values Individual autonomy "Freedom" was constrained by Heritage's conception of moral order. | |||
1981–1988 Free markets vs. Republican loyalty Criticized Reagan protectionism Free markets Partisan loyalty Important counterexample: Heritage did not simply defend Republican policy. | |||
1989–1990 Lower taxes vs. deficit reduction Fiercely opposed George H. W. Bush's 1990 tax increase despite the deficit-reduction rationale Lower taxes Deficit reduction One of the strongest revealed-preference cases in the entire history. | |||
1989–1992 Individual freedom vs. personal responsibility Supported requiring individuals to obtain health insurance to prevent cost-shifting Personal responsibility Freedom from government compulsion Heritage accepted mandates when it believed individuals otherwise imposed costs on others. | |||
1993 Lower taxes vs. deficit reduction Opposed Clinton's tax increases despite their inclusion in a deficit-reduction program Lower taxes Revenue-based deficit reduction Reinforces the 1990 result across partisan control. | |||
1993–1994 Free trade vs. opposition to Democratic administration Supported NAFTA under Clinton Free trade Partisan opposition Another strong sign that Heritage retained an independent ideological program. | |||
1994–1996 Smaller government vs. behavioral regulation Supported welfare work requirements, time limits and eligibility conditions Personal responsibility Minimal governmental interference Government could become smaller financially while more directive behaviorally. | |||
1996 Federal entitlement rights vs. state flexibility Supported replacement of AFDC with TANF State discretion + work orientation Federal entitlement guarantee Heritage preferred conditional assistance over universal entitlement. | |||
1997 Balanced budget vs. smaller government/lower taxes Attacked the Clinton-GOP balanced-budget agreement as insufficiently conservative Smaller government/lower taxes Balanced budget as an end itself Fiscal balance was not Heritage's highest fiscal objective. | |||
2001–2003 Limited government vs. national-security expansion Supported PATRIOT Act authorities, intelligence coordination, border expansion and DHS National security Limited federal power/civil-libertarian restraint Post-9/11 security decisively outranked small-government rhetoric. | |||
2001–2003 Fiscal restraint vs. tax reduction Supported Bush tax cuts as deficits returned Tax reduction Fiscal balance Again, lower taxes survived while balanced budgets did not. | |||
2002 Limited government vs. creating a new Cabinet department Supported creation/reorganization of DHS National security/coordination Anti-bureaucratic presumption Heritage could support new federal structures when the mission was approved. | |||
2003 Limited government vs. Medicare expansion Opposed Medicare Part D Entitlement restraint Republican administration loyalty Important evidence that Heritage was not simply backing Bush. | |||
2003 National security vs. fiscal restraint Supported Iraq war and defense/security expansion National security Fiscal restraint Military/security objectives remained protected even during deficit expansion. | |||
2001–2008 Federalism vs. federal education accountability Became increasingly critical of No Child Left Behind Federalism Republican administration policy One of Heritage's clearer consistent federalism cases. | |||
2008 Free enterprise vs. financial-system stabilization Opposed TARP/bailouts Free enterprise / anti-bailout principle Republican crisis policy Another strong control case showing ideological independence. | |||
2009–2010 Historical Heritage mandate position vs. opposition to Obamacare Rejected the ACA individual mandate despite earlier support for a narrower mandate Anti-Obamacare/limited federal power Earlier personal-responsibility mandate logic A genuine evolution in Heritage's position. | |||
2010–2013 Institutional neutrality vs. ideological enforcement Created Heritage Action, congressional scorecards and grassroots pressure apparatus Policy implementation Traditional think-tank distance from politics Heritage increasingly valued converting ideas into legislative results over institutional detachment. | |||
2011–2013 Government continuity vs. Obamacare repeal Supported using must-pass appropriations/debt legislation as leverage Policy objective Institutional stability/compromise Heritage Action was willing to accept substantial political disruption to force policy change. | |||
2013 Immigration liberalization vs. enforcement/fiscal concerns Opposed Gang of Eight legalization framework Enforcement + restriction Earlier comprehensive-reform orientation Major movement from Bush-era Heritage. | |||
2013–2016 Individual autonomy vs. traditional marriage Opposed same-sex marriage; later emphasized religious exemptions Traditional family/religious liberty Broader marital autonomy Heritage's liberty concept prioritized conscience and traditional institutions. | |||
2014–2016 Presidential flexibility vs. separation of powers Strongly attacked Obama unilateral domestic executive actions Separation of powers Executive flexibility Establishes the benchmark against which Trump-era conduct must be judged. | |||
2017 Deficit concerns vs. tax cuts Strongly supported Tax Cuts and Jobs Act despite lack of equivalent spending reductions Tax reduction Deficit restraint Among the strongest evidence supporting the tax-priority hypothesis. | |||
2017 Lower taxes vs. ACA architecture Supported zeroing out the individual-mandate penalty Tax reduction + anti-mandate policy Earlier Heritage mandate concept Confirms full reversal from the early 1990s. | |||
2017–2020 Free trade vs. Trump loyalty Opposed Trump's tariffs repeatedly Free trade Partisan/presidential loyalty Before 2021, Heritage still protected Reaganite trade principles. | |||
2017–2020 Fiscal restraint vs. defense Continued supporting robust defense spending while criticizing deficits Defense Aggregate fiscal restraint Same hierarchy visible since Reagan. | |||
2017–2020 Balanced budgets vs. tax cuts Tax reductions succeeded; entitlement cuts repeatedly failed; Heritage did not reverse course toward tax increases Tax cuts Balanced budget Repeated pattern across Republican administrations. | |||
2017–2020 Limited executive authority vs. administrative-state rollback Supported strong presidential command of agencies Presidential control Decentralized/independent administration Heritage's target was autonomous bureaucracy, not executive power itself. | |||
2018 Punitive criminal justice vs. limited government/rehabilitation Supported First Step Act Limited incarceration / rehabilitation Older punitive conservatism Useful counterexample showing genuine policy evolution. | |||
2021–2024 Free markets vs. China security Supported strategic investment restrictions, sanctions, supply-chain relocation and possible compelled divestment National security Free capital allocation Major break with old Heritage laissez-faire economics. | |||
2021–2024 Free trade vs. national strategy Became more receptive to China-specific tariffs and strategic decoupling National security/sovereignty Free trade Free trade ceased to be an overriding principle. | |||
2021–2024 Business autonomy vs. anti-ESG/DEI objectives Supported governmental and legal measures against ESG/DEI practices Cultural/institutional objectives Corporate autonomy Heritage increasingly accepted state intervention against private institutional power it considered ideological. | |||
2022 onward Federalism vs. abortion restrictions Celebrated Dobbs as returning abortion to elected government, then supported federal as well as state restrictions Pro-life policy Strict state-level federalism Federalism proved conditional when national abortion policy was available. | |||
2022 onward Individual autonomy vs. abortion regulation Supported increasingly restrictive abortion policies Protection of unborn life Adult bodily autonomy Heritage does not treat individual autonomy as supreme. | |||
2023–2024 Small government vs. powerful presidency Project 2025 advocated stronger presidential control over personnel and executive agencies Presidential command / administrative-state rollback Dispersed governmental power "Limited government" increasingly means fewer approved functions under stronger political control. | |||
2023–2024 Neutral civil service vs. policy implementation Built personnel database and training apparatus for conservative government Implementation reliability Career-bureaucratic independence Heritage concluded personnel control was essential to policy success. | |||
2023–2024 Think-tank independence vs. governing preparation Project 2025 explicitly prepared a future conservative administration Conservative governing capacity Institutional detachment Reinforces the gap between legal nonpartisanship and operational partisan alignment. | |||
2025–2026 Civil-service protection vs. presidential accountability Supported Schedule Policy/Career-type restructuring Presidential control Career independence Direct implementation of Project 2025 personnel theory. | |||
2025–2026 Small government vs. social-policy authority Supported federal gender, abortion, immigration, DEI and cultural policies Traditional/national conservative objectives Minimal federal intervention Modern Heritage uses federal authority actively in approved cultural domains. | |||
2025–2026 Federalism vs. national gender/DEI policy Supported federal executive rules shaping contractors, institutions and federally funded entities National conservative policy Federalism/local autonomy Federalism remains highly selective. | |||
2025–2026 Free enterprise vs. tariffs Became more accepting of targeted tariff diplomacy and industrial policy National strategy Traditional laissez-faire economics Historic free-trade orthodoxy has been downgraded. | |||
2025–2026 Free enterprise vs. China decoupling Continued strategic controls over trade, investment and technology National security Market allocation Confirms durable ideological reordering after 2021. | |||
2025–2026 Lower taxes vs. deficit restraint Supported major tax provisions while simultaneously advocating expensive border, defense and enforcement policy Tax reduction + approved spending Balanced-budget discipline The longstanding structural deficit problem remains. | |||
2025–2026 Government neutrality vs. family promotion Supported tax and social policies deliberately designed to strengthen marriage and family formation Traditional family policy Neutrality toward private family choices Heritage has moved from libertarian noninterference toward affirmative social policy. | |||
2025–2026 Free speech/institutional autonomy vs. cultural control Supported government efforts affecting DEI, education, museums and historical presentation Conservative cultural objectives Institutional autonomy One of the strongest modern symmetry problems. | |||
2025–2026 Legal nonpartisanship vs. practical political alignment Heritage policy, personnel, training and implementation networks operate deeply within a Republican administration Conservative policy implementation Ordinary understanding of political neutrality Legally distinguishable from candidate campaigning, but operational alignment is extraordinarily strong. | |||
What the ledger suggests about Heritage's actual hierarchy | |||
The strongest conclusion is that Heritage does not treat all of its stated principles as equal. | |||
Some behave more like ends, while others behave more like means. | |||
A rough hierarchy emerging from the record looks like this: | |||
Tier 1 — unusually durable objectives: lower taxation; conservative constitutional/judicial control; national defense/security; traditional family and pro-life policy; increasingly border/immigration control; and increasingly political control of the executive bureaucracy. | |||
Tier 2 — important but conditional principles: free enterprise, free trade, federalism, individual liberty, and separation of powers. Heritage defends these vigorously when they reinforce Tier 1 objectives, but the record contains repeated instances where they are subordinated. | |||
Tier 3 — objectives repeatedly sacrificed in practice: balanced budgets, reduction of total federal spending, and a uniformly smaller federal government. | |||
That last group is particularly important. Your source material itself identifies Heritage's repeated failures as permanent balanced budgets, sustained reductions in federal spending, major Medicare and Social Security reductions, abolition of federal departments, and comprehensive entitlement reform. By contrast, tax policy has been one of its most durable successes. | |||
Does tax reduction emerge as the highest priority? | |||
The ledger provides substantial evidence for that hypothesis, although I would still avoid stating it as established motive. | |||
The revealing pattern is not merely that Heritage advocates tax cuts. Many conservative organizations do. | |||
It is that when tax cuts conflict with other Heritage objectives, tax reduction has survived unusually often. | |||
The clearest examples are George H. W. Bush in 1990 and the repeated Republican fiscal episodes afterward. Bush confronted deficits and accepted higher taxes as part of a deficit-reduction agreement. Heritage strongly attacked him for it. | |||
Likewise, Heritage repeatedly obtained tax reductions under Reagan, George W. Bush and Trump without securing equivalent spending cuts. The research we compiled explicitly concludes that the recurring result was upward pressure on deficits. | |||
That gives us something stronger than rhetoric: | |||
When forced to choose between lower taxes and balanced budgets, Heritage's revealed preference has repeatedly been lower taxes. | |||
But there is one qualification to your original formulation. | |||
I would say "reducing taxes on capital and high incomes" rather than exclusively "reducing taxes on the very wealthy." | |||
Heritage-supported tax packages commonly include provisions benefiting middle-income taxpayers as well. But Heritage's persistent support for lower corporate taxation, lower top marginal rates, estate-tax repeal, capital/investment tax reductions and pass-through tax relief means that owners of substantial capital and high-income households are especially large beneficiaries of several of its most protected tax priorities. | |||
The evidence therefore supports this stronger, carefully stated conclusion: | |||
Over Heritage's fifty-year history, tax reduction appears to occupy a higher practical priority than balanced budgets or reducing the total size of government. Heritage repeatedly supports lower taxation even when spending cuts sufficient to finance those reductions are politically unavailable, while simultaneously protecting or expanding favored government functions such as defense, national security, immigration enforcement and, increasingly, cultural and executive-power objectives. Because several of Heritage's most durable tax priorities disproportionately benefit high-income households and owners of capital, the historical pattern is consistent with the hypothesis that reducing taxation on wealth and capital is among Heritage's highest-order objectives. The evidence demonstrates the policy hierarchy more strongly than it can demonstrate the organization's private motive. | |||
I think that is the most defensible formulation of your conclusion from the record we have assembled. | |||