Christian Nationalism and Muslim Americans
Christian Nationalism and Muslim Americans
Christian nationalism has played an important role in debates over the place of Muslim Americans within American society. Research collected from academic journals, national surveys, government documents, civil-rights organizations, and news reporting shows a recurring relationship between stronger Christian nationalist beliefs and negative attitudes toward Muslims, immigrants, Islamic religious practices, and religious pluralism.
At the center of the debate is a disagreement over American national identity. Christian nationalist ideas generally emphasize a special relationship between Christianity and the United States, while the American constitutional system formally protects the equal religious liberty of Christians, Muslims, Jews, members of other faiths, and people without a religious affiliation. When national identity is defined primarily in Christian terms, Muslims can be portrayed not simply as members of another religion but as outsiders whose religious practices, institutions, or political participation are considered incompatible with American life.
Research has repeatedly found that Christian nationalism is distinct from ordinary Christian belief or religious participation. The strongest relationships with anti-Muslim attitudes generally appear when Christianity is combined with ideas about political power, national belonging, cultural hierarchy, and the belief that government should affirm a specifically Christian identity.
Christian Nationalism and the Boundaries of American Identity
A central theme in the research is the question of who is regarded as fully American. Christian nationalism often links American identity with Christianity, traditional social values, patriotism, and particular interpretations of the nation's history.
For Muslim Americans, this can produce a form of conditional belonging. Muslims may be citizens, participate in elections, serve in government, operate businesses, attend universities, serve in the military, and identify strongly with the United States while still being portrayed by political movements as culturally foreign or potentially disloyal.
Academic studies of Christian nationalism have found relationships between Christian nationalist beliefs and attitudes toward immigrants, racial and religious minorities, and other groups perceived as cultural outsiders. Research has also connected Christian nationalism with fears about demographic change, immigration, racial replacement, secularization, and loss of traditional social status.
Muslims occupy a particularly important place within these narratives because Islam has frequently been presented as a religious and civilizational rival to Christianity. Political rhetoric may therefore portray disputes over immigration, mosques, refugees, terrorism, or Islamic religious practice as part of a broader struggle over whether the United States will remain culturally Christian.
Islamophobia and Christian Nationalism
Islamophobia refers broadly to prejudice, hostility, discrimination, or institutional practices directed against Muslims or people perceived to be Muslim. The uploaded research shows that Islamophobia and Christian nationalism frequently overlap, although they are not identical phenomena.
Studies have found that some forms of Christian nationalism predict negative perceptions of Muslims even after accounting for ordinary religiosity, political ideology, and other factors. Research describing "Christian Statism," for example, distinguishes traditional religious belief from an ideology that combines Christianity with state power and finds that this political orientation is strongly associated with Islamophobia, nativism, antisemitism, and racial distrust.
Other scholarship has found that Islamophobia and xenophobia help explain the relationship between Christian nationalism and support for political candidates or policies presenting themselves as defenders of a culturally Christian America.
Muslims can function as an important symbolic outgroup within Christian nationalist narratives. Islam may be described as foreign, authoritarian, incompatible with democracy, inherently violent, or fundamentally opposed to American constitutional principles. Such claims often treat a highly diverse population of American Muslims as a single ideological group.
Anti-Sharia Politics
One of the most persistent manifestations of anti-Muslim politics has been opposition to "Sharia law." Political campaigns against Sharia have appeared at the state and federal levels for more than a decade.
Sharia is a broad Islamic religious and ethical tradition that governs matters ranging from prayer and fasting to charitable giving, marriage, finance, and personal behavior. For most American Muslims, following Sharia ordinarily involves voluntary religious practices comparable in many respects to observance of Jewish halakha or Christian religious rules.
Anti-Sharia campaigns, however, have frequently portrayed Islamic religious practice as an alternative political or legal system seeking to replace the U.S. Constitution.
Numerous states considered legislation designed to prohibit courts from relying on Sharia or, more broadly, "foreign law." When explicitly anti-Sharia measures raised constitutional concerns, some proposals were reframed as generally applicable foreign-law restrictions.
Civil-rights organizations and academic researchers have argued that these campaigns often transformed anti-Muslim suspicion into apparently neutral legal language.
The issue regained national prominence in the mid-2020s through congressional proposals, hearings, and the creation of organizations advocating a "Sharia-Free America." Critics argue that such efforts misrepresent ordinary Muslim religious practices and create a constitutional double standard in which Islamic religious conduct is treated as inherently political or dangerous.
Congressional and Political Rhetoric
The source material documents a renewed wave of anti-Muslim political rhetoric during the 2020s.
Members of Congress and political activists have increasingly discussed Sharia, political Islam, Muslim immigration, and Muslim institutions as potential threats to American constitutional government. Some of this rhetoric explicitly combines opposition to Islam with assertions that the United States was founded on "Judeo-Christian" principles.
Congressional hearings concerning Sharia provide particularly important primary-source evidence because they show how ideas about Islam, Christianity, constitutional government, and national identity enter formal political debate.
Supporters of anti-Sharia initiatives generally argue that they are defending constitutional government against political or ideological systems incompatible with American law.
Opponents respond that the Constitution already prevents religious law from overriding civil law and that special restrictions directed at Islamic practice threaten the First Amendment guarantee of religious neutrality.
The Muslim Travel Ban
The Trump-era travel restrictions commonly known as the "Muslim ban" became one of the most important modern conflicts concerning Muslims, national identity, immigration, and religious discrimination.
During the 2016 presidential campaign, Donald Trump called for a "total and complete shutdown" of Muslim immigration. After taking office, his administration issued a series of executive orders and proclamations restricting entry from several countries, many of which had Muslim-majority populations.
The policy produced extensive litigation culminating in Trump v. Hawaii, in which the U.S. Supreme Court upheld the final version of the travel proclamation in 2018.
The controversy became closely connected with broader questions about Christian nationalism. Survey research showed particularly strong support for Muslim immigration restrictions among white evangelical Protestants, a population that also contains comparatively high levels of Christian nationalist identification.
At the same time, many Christian organizations, religious leaders, and evangelical activists opposed the travel restrictions on humanitarian or religious-liberty grounds. The episode therefore demonstrates that Christianity, evangelicalism, and Christian nationalism should not be treated as interchangeable categories.
Public Opinion Toward Muslim Americans
National polling has repeatedly documented significant religious and partisan differences in attitudes toward Muslims.
Surveys conducted by the Pew Research Center, Public Religion Research Institute, and Institute for Social Policy and Understanding have found that Muslim Americans frequently report discrimination and believe that Islam faces substantial prejudice in the United States.
White evangelical Protestants have often expressed more negative views of Muslims than many other religious groups. Polling has found comparatively high support within this population for policies such as restrictions on Muslim immigration, as well as higher scores on measures of Islamophobic attitudes.
Research nevertheless shows substantial variation among Christians. Catholics, mainline Protestants, Black Protestants, white evangelicals, and other Christian populations often differ significantly in attitudes toward Muslims, immigration, religious pluralism, and Christian nationalism.
Recent research also suggests that anti-Muslim attitudes can change substantially over time in response to political events, international conflicts, media narratives, and partisan mobilization.
Muslim-American Experiences of Discrimination
Surveys of Muslim Americans provide an important counterpoint to political portrayals of Muslims.
National studies consistently describe Muslim Americans as religiously, racially, ethnically, politically, and economically diverse. American Muslims include immigrants and native-born citizens and have roots in African American, Arab, South Asian, African, European, Latino, and many other communities.
Research has documented experiences including workplace discrimination, offensive comments, harassment, airport profiling, suspicion from law enforcement, opposition to mosque construction, and attacks or threats directed at Muslim institutions.
Muslim respondents frequently report feeling that Islam is not regarded as part of mainstream American society.
At the same time, surveys have repeatedly found high levels of identification with the United States, political engagement, optimism, and confidence in American institutions among Muslim Americans.
These findings contradict political narratives depicting American Muslims as broadly alienated from the country or supportive of extremist violence.
Mosques and Religious Land Use
Conflicts over mosque construction have provided another arena in which questions of Islam, national identity, and religious liberty intersect.
The controversy surrounding the proposed Islamic center near the World Trade Center site in New York became a major national political dispute in 2010. Opposition to the project often framed an Islamic institution near Ground Zero as inappropriate or threatening even though the project was constitutionally protected private religious activity.
Similar disputes have occurred throughout the United States over mosque construction, zoning decisions, minarets, Islamic schools, and religious centers.
Federal law, including the Religious Land Use and Institutionalized Persons Act, protects religious institutions against discriminatory land-use restrictions. These protections apply to Muslims as well as Christians, Jews, and other religious communities.
The conflicts therefore raise a fundamental question: whether principles of religious freedom are applied equally when the religious community seeking protection is politically unpopular.
Christian Nationalism and Religious Liberty
Christian nationalist politics often makes extensive use of the language of religious freedom. This creates an important tension within debates over Muslim religious liberty.
Supporters of Christian nationalist policies may argue that Christianity deserves protection because of its historical importance to American civilization. At the same time, some political movements that strongly defend Christian religious expression have supported restrictions targeting Muslim immigration, mosques, Sharia, or Islamic institutions.
Scholars have therefore examined whether religious liberty is sometimes understood hierarchically, with Christianity occupying a privileged position while other religions receive more limited protection.
The American constitutional tradition formally rejects such a hierarchy.
The Establishment Clause prevents government from establishing or officially privileging a religion, while the Free Exercise Clause protects the practice of religion. Together, these principles require government neutrality rather than a system in which one faith possesses superior political status.
Immigration, Refugees, and Muslims
Muslim immigration and refugee policy have also become important components of Christian nationalist politics.
Syrian refugees, immigrants from Muslim-majority countries, and asylum seekers have frequently been portrayed in political discourse as security or cultural threats.
Research suggests that negative stereotypes about Muslims contributed to opposition to Syrian refugee resettlement even when religious leaders encouraged Christians to welcome refugees.
Christian nationalist rhetoric can transform immigration from a policy question into a cultural or religious struggle. Immigration is then interpreted not simply in terms of economics or border enforcement but as a potential threat to the country's Christian identity.
This overlaps with broader nativist arguments about demographic change, cultural replacement, and the belief that immigration may weaken traditional American values.
Race, Ethnicity, and Muslim Identity
Muslim-American identity cannot be understood solely through religion.
American Muslims are racially and ethnically diverse, and Islamophobia frequently intersects with racism, xenophobia, immigration politics, and assumptions about national origin.
Political rhetoric has sometimes fused identities such as Muslim, Arab, Middle Eastern, immigrant, foreign, brown, and terrorist even though these categories are not equivalent.
Black Muslims in particular complicate the common assumption that Islam is inherently foreign to the United States. African American Muslim communities have existed for generations and form an important part of American religious history.
Research examining Black Christian attitudes toward Muslims similarly demonstrates that Christian-Muslim relations cannot be reduced to a simple conflict between two religious blocs. Race, political ideology, personal relationships, media exposure, and social experience all influence attitudes.
Political Violence and Religious Minorities
An important area of recent research concerns Christian nationalism, perceived social threat, and political violence.
Several studies have found relationships between Christian nationalism and willingness to justify political violence under certain circumstances. Other research has investigated whether political empowerment of Christian nationalist movements corresponds with violence or intimidation directed against religious minorities.
Muslims are among the groups potentially affected by this dynamic because they have long been portrayed in extremist rhetoric as threatening American security, culture, or Christianity.
Researchers emphasize, however, that Christian nationalism should not be equated automatically with violence. Rather, certain combinations of nationalism, perceived victimhood, conspiracy thinking, apocalyptic beliefs, racial threat, and hostility toward outgroups may increase acceptance of extreme political behavior.
Media and the Construction of the Muslim Threat
Media ecosystems have played an important role in spreading narratives about Islam and American Muslims.
Research and civil-rights reporting have traced networks of activists, political organizations, donors, websites, television programs, and advocacy groups that popularized claims about Sharia, Muslim Brotherhood infiltration, mosque radicalization, and an alleged Islamic campaign to undermine the Constitution.
Such claims can spread from relatively small advocacy networks into mainstream political discourse.
The idea of a hidden "civilization jihad," for example, has portrayed mainstream Muslim civic organizations as participants in a secret conspiracy to replace constitutional government with Islamic rule.
Researchers studying Islamophobia have generally found little empirical support for such sweeping conspiracy theories.
Nevertheless, these narratives have influenced political campaigns, immigration debates, anti-Sharia legislation, congressional rhetoric, and public perceptions of Muslim Americans.
The War on Terror and the Development of Islamophobia
The political relationship between American Muslims and Christian nationalism must also be understood in the context of the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks and the subsequent War on Terror.
In the decades after 9/11, terrorism and national-security concerns became closely connected with public discussion of Islam.
Muslim Americans experienced increased surveillance, airport scrutiny, hate crimes, public suspicion, and political demands that they demonstrate loyalty to the United States.
Over time, ideas developed within post-9/11 national-security politics were incorporated into broader cultural arguments about American identity.
The claim that Islam represents not simply a religion but a hostile political ideology became especially influential among anti-Muslim activists.
This framework later overlapped with Christian nationalist claims that the United States is fundamentally Christian and must therefore resist Islamic cultural or political influence.
Opposition to Islamophobia Among Christians
The relationship between Christianity and anti-Muslim politics is not uniform.
Christian clergy, evangelical organizations, Catholic leaders, mainline Protestant churches, and individual Christians have frequently defended Muslim religious liberty and opposed anti-Muslim discrimination.
Some Christians opposed the Muslim travel ban, supported refugee resettlement, defended mosque construction, participated in Muslim-Christian interfaith programs, and rejected political efforts to define American citizenship according to religion.
These responses demonstrate the distinction between Christianity as a religion and Christian nationalism as a political ideology.
The existence of Christian opposition to anti-Muslim policies is particularly significant because it challenges claims that political conflict between Christianity and Islam is inevitable.
Muslim Political Participation
Muslim Americans have increasingly participated in electoral politics, civic organizations, advocacy groups, and public office.
Political participation has sometimes itself become a target of anti-Muslim rhetoric. Muslim elected officials and organizations have faced accusations that their religious identity makes them disloyal or that political participation is part of an attempt to introduce Sharia into American government.
Such accusations illustrate one of the central paradoxes surrounding Muslim Americans and Christian nationalism: Muslim participation in democratic institutions may be presented as evidence of both assimilation and supposed infiltration, depending on the assumptions of the observer.
Research on American Muslims generally finds substantial support for political participation and democratic institutions.
Constitutional Issues
The constitutional issues raised by Christian nationalism and Muslim religious liberty center primarily on the First Amendment.
The Establishment Clause limits government efforts to privilege Christianity or any other religion.
The Free Exercise Clause protects Muslims' rights to worship, establish mosques, observe religious practices, form religious associations, and participate in American public life.
Government may enforce neutral laws of general applicability, and religious belief does not exempt individuals from ordinary criminal or civil law. At the same time, government cannot treat a practice as constitutionally suspect merely because it is Islamic.
This distinction is particularly important in debates about Sharia. Muslims may voluntarily follow religious principles in their private lives so long as they remain subject to American law, just as members of other religions may organize their lives according to religious teachings.
Constitutional religious liberty therefore provides a framework for distinguishing genuine legal conflicts from political fears about minority religions.
Broader Implications for American Democracy
The treatment of Muslim Americans provides an important test of the broader democratic implications of Christian nationalism.
A pluralistic democracy assumes that citizenship is not dependent on membership in the majority religion. Muslims, Christians, Jews, Hindus, Buddhists, atheists, and members of other traditions possess equal political and constitutional standing.
Christian nationalism challenges this principle when Christianity becomes a criterion for authentic national belonging.
The consequences extend beyond Muslims. Arguments used to subordinate one religious minority can establish precedents affecting other minority faiths, immigrants, racial groups, secular Americans, and dissenting Christians.
For this reason, scholarship on Christian nationalism often connects the treatment of Muslims with wider questions involving pluralism, authoritarianism, minority rights, immigration, racial hierarchy, democratic institutions, and church-state separation.
Conclusion
The relationship between Christian nationalism and Muslim Americans reveals a fundamental debate over the meaning of American national identity.
Research consistently shows that stronger forms of Christian nationalism are associated with greater suspicion toward Muslims and other religious or cultural outgroups. These attitudes appear in debates over immigration, refugee policy, Sharia, mosques, terrorism, religious liberty, political participation, and the proper relationship between Christianity and government.
Muslim Americans have frequently been portrayed within Christian nationalist narratives as outsiders whose religion conflicts with American values. Yet decades of national survey research show a far more complex picture: American Muslims are highly diverse, participate extensively in American civic life, generally identify strongly with the United States, and overwhelmingly reject extremist violence.
Anti-Sharia legislation, mosque controversies, the Muslim travel ban, congressional rhetoric, and organized Islamophobia demonstrate how religious identity can become intertwined with nationalism and political power.
At the same time, Christian opposition to anti-Muslim discrimination demonstrates that Christian faith itself does not require Christian nationalism or hostility toward Muslims.
Ultimately, the issue concerns whether the United States is understood as a religiously pluralistic constitutional democracy or as a nation in which Christianity possesses a privileged political status. The treatment of Muslim Americans therefore serves as a significant measure of the country's continuing commitment to equal citizenship, religious freedom, church-state separation, and democratic pluralism.
Christian Nationalism and Muslim Americans — Categorized, Deduplicated, Reverse-Sorted
Government, Legal, and Primary Sources
1. | Congressional Research Service | Constitution Annotated | Current
Explains the constitutional relationship between the Establishment and Free Exercise Clauses and the principle of government neutrality among religions.
2. | U.S. Department of Justice Civil Rights Division | Department of Justice | Current
Explains federal protections for religious land use, important to understanding legal battles over construction and operation of mosques and Islamic centers.
3. | Congressional Research Service | Constitution Annotated | Current
Primary constitutional reference for evaluating proposals that privilege Christianity or restrict Muslim religious exercise under the Establishment and Free Exercise Clauses.
4. | U.S. Congress | U.S. Government Publishing Office | August 25, 2026
Congressional record entry for legislation explicitly invoking “Sharia,” useful as a primary source for examining the continuing political use of Islamic law as a symbolic threat.
5. | U.S. House Judiciary Committee | U.S. House of Representatives | May 13, 2026
Official congressional materials from the hearing “Sharia-Free America: Why Political Islam & Sharia Law are Incompatible with the U.S. Constitution,” including testimony defending Muslim religious liberty.
6. | U.S. House Committee on the Judiciary | U.S. Government Publishing Office | May 13, 2026
Official record of the congressional hearing “Sharia-Free America: Why Political Islam & Sharia Law Are Incompatible with the U.S. Constitution: Part II.”
7. | U.S. Congress | Congressional Record | March 26, 2026
Primary-source congressional debate in which members of the Sharia-Free America Caucus simultaneously invoke America's “Judeo-Christian” foundation and portray Islamic law and Muslim communities as threats.
8. | U.S. Congressional Record | Congress.wiki | March 26, 2026
Searchable transcription of House speeches connecting opposition to Sharia with claims that the United States is founded upon Judeo-Christian principles.
9. | Supreme Court of the United States | Supreme Court | June 26, 2018
Official opinion in Trump v. Hawaii upholding the travel proclamation despite evidence of earlier campaign statements calling for a shutdown of Muslim immigration.
10. | U.S. Department of Justice | Supreme Court Brief | February 2018
Government brief in Trump v. Hawaii defending the travel restrictions against Establishment Clause and immigration-law challenges.
11. | Supreme Court of the United States | Supreme Court | 2017
Official docket for Trump v. Hawaii and related travel-ban litigation, containing briefs from religious-liberty organizations, states, scholars, Muslim groups, and civil-rights organizations.
Academic Scholarship
12. | David Sikkink and Greg Wurm | Social Science Research | August 2026
Finds that Christian nationalism shapes attitudes toward religious outgroups and is especially associated with opposition to Muslims and atheists participating fully in American public life.
13. | Christopher H. Seto | Sociology of Religion | May 24, 2026
Finds that Christian nationalism predicts greater inherent distrust of immigrants and examines how political and ethnoracial identities reinforce exclusionary ideas of national belonging.
14. | Joseph O. Baker et al. | Nations and Nationalism | April 2026
Uses national survey data to find that Christian nationalism is strongly associated with fear of Muslims, immigrants, racial replacement, communism, and other perceived threats to national identity.
15. | Donald Haider-Markel et al. | Social Science Quarterly | 2026
Studies Christian nationalism, gun identity, and political violence, finding Christian nationalist threat perceptions can increase willingness to justify extreme political action.
16. | Academic Research | Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict | 2026
Examines Christian nationalism, apocalyptic beliefs, hatred of social outgroups, and support for political violence.
17. | Academic Researchers | Politics and Religion | 2026
Tests whether explicitly pluralistic “anti-Christian-nationalist” beliefs can counter political intolerance and finds Christian nationalist identity can override pluralistic commitments under perceived threat.
18. | Christopher H. Seto | Sociology of Religion | January 20, 2025
Studies Christian nationalism and implicit ideas about who counts as genuinely American, providing a broader framework for understanding religious and racial exclusion.
19. | Nilay Saiya and Stuti Manchanda | Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion | 2025
Quantitative research finding that political empowerment of Christian nationalist ideology is associated with attacks against religious minorities in the United States.
20. | Asma T. Uddin | Oxford University Press | May 23, 2024
“The Politics of Vulnerability” explains how perceptions among conservative Christians that Christianity is under siege have contributed to portraying Muslims as an internal political and cultural threat.
21. | Political Science Researchers | Politics and Religion | 2024
Experimental research examines how Christian nationalist identity influences unequal application of legal and political tolerance toward ingroups and outgroups.
22. | Oindrila Roy | Politics and Religion | August 24, 2023
Finds that negative stereotypes about Muslims help explain evangelical opposition to admission of Syrian refugees even when evangelical religious leaders advocated accepting refugees.
23. | Ruiqian Li and Paul Froese | Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion | 2023
Distinguishes religious traditionalism from “Christian Statism” and finds Christian Statism strongly predicts Islamophobia, nativism, antisemitism, and racial distrust.
24. | Daniel Hummel | International Review of Administrative Sciences | 2022
“Legislating Islamophobia” analyzes state anti-Sharia laws and finds associations with religious traditionalism and organized anti-Muslim politics.
25. | Miles T. Armaly, David T. Buckley and Adam M. Enders | Political Behavior | January 4, 2022
Studies Christian nationalism, victimhood, racial identity, conspiracy thinking, and public support for political violence surrounding January 6.
26. | Armaly, Buckley and Enders | Association of Religion Data Archives | 2021/2025 archive
Dataset supporting research into Christian nationalism, conspiracy beliefs, religion, and political violence.
27. | Samuel L. Perry | Nations and Nationalism | August 31, 2021
Finds Christian nationalism strongly predicts prioritization of “religious freedom” in electoral politics, helping illuminate how religious liberty language may be applied selectively.
28. | Institute for Social Policy and Understanding | ISPU | 2020
Summarizes five years of Muslim-American polling and finds that higher Islamophobia scores correlate with support for mosque surveillance, Muslim travel restrictions, authoritarian policies, and violence.
29. | Samuel L. Perry et al. | Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion | July 26, 2020
Examines how Christian nationalism influences behavior and political polarization during the COVID-19 pandemic, demonstrating its wider role as a cultural identity framework.
30. | Breanne Leigh Grace and Katie Heins | Ethnic and Racial Studies | June 2, 2020
Examines anti-refugee politics and shows Muslim, brown, foreign, and terrorist identities being rhetorically fused in opposition to an imagined white Christian America.
31. | Andrew L. Whitehead and Samuel L. Perry | Sociology of Religion | May 14, 2020
“Keep America Christian (and White)” finds Islamophobia and xenophobia significantly mediate Christian nationalism's relationship with support for Donald Trump.
32. | Mark Fathi Massoud and Kathleen M. Moore | Law & Social Inquiry | March 19, 2020
Studies how California Muslims actually understand and practice Sharia amid political campaigns portraying Islamic law as an existential American threat.
33. | Atalia Omer, Joshua Lupo et al. | JSTOR / Academic Studies | 2020s
Interdisciplinary volume on white Christian nationalism, racism, populism, the War on Terror, and transnational anti-Muslim racism.
34. | Ramsey Dahab and Marisa Omori | Ethnic and Racial Studies | 2019
“Homegrown Foreigners” finds that Christian nationalism and nativism independently reduce support for Muslim Americans' civil liberties.
“Make America Christian Again” establishes Christian nationalism as an independent predictor of Trump support while examining its relationship to anti-Muslim refugee attitudes and Islamophobia.
36. | Whitehead, Perry and Baker | Sociology of Religion | 2018
Journal version of foundational research demonstrating the political influence of beliefs that America possesses a uniquely Christian heritage.
37. | Elsadig Elsheikh, Basima Sisemore and Natalie Ramirez Lee | Haas Institute, UC Berkeley | 2017
“Legalizing Othering” traces state anti-Sharia bills and the organized movement that transformed anti-Muslim prejudice into legislation.
38. | Cambridge University Press | Politics and Religion | September 2015
Journal issue containing Shortle and Gaddie's major study “Religious Nationalism and Perceptions of Muslims and Islam.”
39. | Allyson F. Shortle and Ronald Keith Gaddie | Politics and Religion | June 19, 2015
Foundational empirical study testing the relationship between Christian nationalist beliefs and anti-Muslim sentiment among evangelical voters.
Surveys, Polling, and Demographic Research
40. | Institute for Social Policy and Understanding | ISPU | Current
Research collection bringing together national polling, discrimination studies, policy analysis, and empirical work on anti-Muslim attitudes, including comparisons between Muslims and American Christian denominations.
41. | Besheer Mohamed | Pew Research Center | September 3, 2026
Provides extensive new survey data on Muslim Americans, including discrimination, patriotism, political participation, public attitudes toward Muslims, and the continuing effects of post-9/11 suspicion.
42. | Kameelah Mu’Min Oseguera | Institute for Social Policy and Understanding | June 19, 2026
Investigates how Black Christian Americans understand Muslims and Islam, showing how religious identity, racial solidarity, media narratives, and political narratives interact in complex ways.
43. | Institute for Social Policy and Understanding | ISPU | June 2026
Studies interfaith contact among American religious communities and notes a sharp recent rise in Islamophobia among white evangelicals despite efforts to improve Muslim-Christian relationships.
44. | Chip Rotolo and Gregory A. Smith | Pew Research Center | May 14, 2026
Measures contemporary support for making Christianity America's official religion, biblical influence on law, Christian nationalism, and church-state separation.
45. | Institute for Social Policy and Understanding | ISPU | 2026
Provides evidence and recommendations for religious leaders seeking to counter Islamophobia, documenting particularly large recent increases in anti-Muslim attitudes among white evangelicals.
46. | Institute for Social Policy and Understanding | ISPU | 2025
Reports that the Islamophobia Index rose sharply from 2022 to 2025, with the largest increase among white evangelical Christians.
47. | Institute for Social Policy and Understanding | ISPU | 2025
Provides national data on Muslim voters, discrimination, political attitudes, and changes in anti-Muslim sentiment across American religious communities.
48. | Nicole Steward-Streng | Institute for Social Policy and Understanding | July 14, 2025
Examines perceptions of Muslims among Black Christians and explores how race and religious identity complicate simplistic accounts of Christian-Muslim political divisions.
49. | Michael R. Fisher Jr. | PRRI | June 18, 2025
Examines the relationship between authoritarian orientations, race, and support for Christian nationalism.
50. | Forrest Lovette | The Society Pages | June 6, 2025
Summarizes research indicating that Christian nationalist rhetoric from elected officials corresponds with increased violence against religious minorities, including Muslims.
51. | PRRI Staff | Public Religion Research Institute | February 4, 2025
Provides state-level measurements of Christian nationalism and shows Muslim Americans themselves exhibit very low levels of support for Christian nationalist ideology.
52. | PRRI Staff | Public Religion Research Institute | September 10, 2024
Studies Christian nationalism alongside authoritarianism, immigration views, political violence, patriarchy, and willingness to weaken democratic constraints.
53. | Pew Research Center | Pew Research Center | April 2, 2024
Finds large numbers of Muslim Americans reporting increased discrimination and fear, providing contemporary context for the consequences of anti-Muslim political rhetoric.
54. | Pew Research Center | Pew Research Center | April 2, 2024
Shows sharp differences among religious groups in perceptions of anti-Muslim discrimination; Muslim Americans perceive substantially more discrimination than white evangelical Protestants do.
55. | Chip Rotolo, Gregory A. Smith and Jonathan Evans | Pew Research Center | March 15, 2024
Measures attitudes toward Christianity in government and shows that most Muslim respondents oppose giving the Bible influence over U.S. law.
56. | PRRI Staff | Public Religion Research Institute | February 28, 2024
Maps Christian nationalism throughout the states and provides demographic, religious, racial, partisan, and educational comparisons.
57. | ISPU | Institute for Social Policy and Understanding | August 25, 2022
Examines Muslim political participation and the obstacles American Muslims encounter in civic and electoral life.
58. | ISPU | Institute for Social Policy and Understanding | August 25, 2022
Reports Islamophobia Index results showing white evangelicals among the populations exhibiting relatively high endorsement of negative stereotypes about Muslims.
59. | Youssef Chouhoud, Dalia Mogahed and Erum Ikramullah | ISPU | August 25, 2022
Focuses specifically on discrimination and Islamophobia experienced by Muslim Americans.
60. | ISPU | Institute for Social Policy and Understanding | August 23, 2022
Full report on Muslim-American political engagement, discrimination, public policy views, and Islamophobic stereotypes.
National survey of Muslim Americans and comparison groups measuring politics, discrimination, religious identity, and the Islamophobia Index.
62. | Institute for Social Policy and Understanding | ISPU | 2022
Compiles multiple years of Islamophobia Index data, allowing comparisons among white evangelicals, Protestants, Catholics, Muslims, Jews, and unaffiliated Americans.
63. | Pew Research Center | Pew Research Center | October 27, 2022
Examines how Americans define a “Christian nation,” including concerns that Christian nationalism privileges Christianity while excluding or subordinating religious minorities.
64. | Pew Research Center | Pew Research Center | October 27, 2022
Presents Americans' descriptions of Christian nationalism, including Muslim respondents and people who associate the ideology with Christian dominance and exclusion.
65. | Besheer Mohamed | Pew Research Center | September 1, 2021
Reviews two decades of changing public attitudes toward Muslim Americans, discrimination, political representation, and social acceptance.
66. | Dalia Mogahed and Erum Ikramullah | ISPU | October 1, 2020
National Muslim-American survey measuring Islamophobia, discrimination, political participation, and attitudes toward anti-Muslim policies.
67. | Dalia Mogahed and Erum Ikramullah | ISPU | October 1, 2020
Provides detailed survey results on Muslim-American experiences during the Trump administration and measures public acceptance of common anti-Muslim stereotypes.
68. | Dalia Mogahed | ISPU | October 1, 2020
Summarizes findings on institutional and interpersonal discrimination, Muslim political engagement, and Islamophobic attitudes.
69. | ISPU | Institute for Social Policy and Understanding | October 1, 2020
Full national report contextualizing Muslim-American life amid the Muslim Ban, white supremacist activism, polarization, and the 2020 election.
70. | Dalia Mogahed and Erum Ikramullah | Association of Religion Data Archives | 2020
Provides the underlying American Muslim Poll dataset for independent research on Muslim politics, discrimination, religion, and Islamophobia.
71. | David Masci | Pew Research Center | May 17, 2019
Finds that Muslims are widely perceived as one of America's most discriminated-against religious communities and documents partisan differences in recognizing that discrimination.
72. | Institute for Social Policy and Understanding | ISPU | May 1, 2019
Examines predictors of Islamophobia and finds important relationships between political ideology, personal knowledge of Muslims, information about Islam, and prejudice.
73. | Institute for Social Policy and Understanding | ISPU | 2019
National survey comparing Muslim Americans with white evangelicals, Protestants, Catholics, Jews, and unaffiliated Americans on religion, politics, discrimination, and civic identity.
74. | Institute for Social Policy and Understanding | ISPU | April 30, 2018
Introduces the Islamophobia Index and finds white evangelicals had the highest score among surveyed religious groups.
Provides important context on the racial diversity of American Muslims and their attitudes toward racial inequality.
76. | Michael Lipka | Pew Research Center | August 9, 2017
Summarizes major findings about Muslim beliefs, American Muslim demographics, discrimination, terrorism, and public perceptions of Islam.
77. | Pew Research Center | Pew Research Center | July 26, 2017
Finds that white evangelical Protestants expressed greater reservations about Muslims and Islam than most other major religious groups.
78. | Pew Research Center | Pew Research Center | July 26, 2017
Major national survey documenting Muslim Americans' patriotism, discrimination, political concerns, attitudes toward Trump, and confidence in the American dream.
79. | Pew Research Center | Pew Research Center | July 26, 2017
Finds widespread perceptions among Muslims that American society does not regard Islam as mainstream and documents discrimination following the 2016 election.
80. | Jeff Diamant | Pew Research Center | July 26, 2017
Summarizes Muslim-American experiences of discrimination while emphasizing high levels of American identity, optimism, and personal satisfaction.
81. | PRRI Staff | Public Religion Research Institute | 2017
Finds white evangelical Protestants were the only major religious group in which a majority supported temporarily banning Muslim immigration.
82. | PRRI Staff | Public Religion Research Institute | 2017
Shows white evangelical Protestants as the only major religious group with majority support for temporarily barring Muslims from entering the United States.
83. | PRRI and Brookings Institution | PRRI | 2016
Finds majority support for a temporary Muslim immigration ban among white evangelical Protestants, white Catholics, and white mainline Protestants.
84. | PRRI Staff | Public Religion Research Institute | September 2011
Finds unusually high discomfort among white evangelical Protestants with mosques and visible expressions of Muslim religious identity.
85. | Pew Research Center | Pew Research Center | August 30, 2011
Finds little evidence for political narratives depicting American Muslims as increasingly alienated or supportive of extremism.
86. | Pew Research Center | Pew Research Center | August 30, 2011
Provides demographic evidence demonstrating the racial, ethnic, national-origin, and socioeconomic diversity of American Muslims.
87. | Pew Research Center | Pew Research Center | August 30, 2011
Documents the range of religious beliefs and practices among Muslim Americans, challenging political narratives presenting Islam as a single ideological bloc.
88. | Pew Research Center | Pew Research Center | August 30, 2011
Examines Muslim-American political and social attitudes, providing empirical comparison with stereotypes about Muslim hostility to democracy or American institutions.
89. | Pew Research Center | Pew Research Center | August 30, 2011
Surveys Muslim-American attitudes toward terrorism and foreign policy and finds overwhelming rejection of violence against civilians.
90. | Pew Research Center | Pew Research Center | August 30, 2011
Provides historical data on American perceptions of Islam and Muslims during the period when anti-Sharia activism and Tea Party politics were expanding.
91. | Pew Research Center | Pew Research Center | 2011
Major national study documenting Muslim Americans' experiences of suspicion, offensive language, airport profiling, police scrutiny, threats, and broader discrimination.
92. | Pew Research Center | Pew Research Center | August 30, 2010
Surveys beliefs about Islam and violence during a major period of political mobilization against mosques and Islamic institutions.
93. | Pew Research Center | Pew Research Center | August 24, 2010
Examines public attitudes toward Islam during the Park51 controversy and documents divisions over whether Muslims receive equal religious freedom.
94. | PRRI Staff | Public Religion Research Institute | 2010
Finds white evangelical Protestants were among the groups most strongly opposed to the proposed Islamic center near the World Trade Center site.
95. | Pew Research Center | Pew Research Center | May 22, 2007
Landmark national survey describing Muslim Americans as largely integrated, economically diverse, religiously varied, and generally satisfied with American life.
96. | Pew Research Center | Pew Research Center | 2000s
Shows differences in public willingness to extend government partnerships and equal treatment to religious organizations, with Muslim mosques receiving considerably less support than many Christian organizations.
Civil-Rights, Islamophobia, and Advocacy Research
97. | Southern Poverty Law Center | SPLC | Updated regularly
Provides an overview of organized anti-Muslim movements, including groups promoting Sharia conspiracy theories and legislation restricting Muslim religious practice.
98. | Bridge Initiative Team | Georgetown University Bridge Initiative | September 2026
Examines twenty-five years of U.S. policy after 9/11 and argues that Islamophobic ideas became institutionalized in national-security, immigration, and political policy, providing important background for understanding contemporary Christian nationalist portrayals of Muslims as threats.
99. | Bridge Initiative | Georgetown University | August 28, 2026
Surveys contemporary Islamophobia and highlights analysis connecting a renewed anti-Muslim political movement with Christian nationalist ideas about American identity.
100. | Bridge Initiative | Georgetown University | August 21, 2026
Covers anti-Muslim rallies in Dearborn and Christian nationalist rhetoric at conservative Christian gatherings, illustrating how religious nationalism can translate into direct intimidation of Muslim communities.
101. | Bridge Initiative | Georgetown University | August 20, 2026
Reviews international Christian nationalist rhetoric that invokes Christianity as a national identity partly through opposition to Muslims and immigration.
102. | Corey Saylor | Islamophobia.org / CAIR | August 17, 2026
Profiles the Sharia-Free America Caucus and argues that proposals to eliminate “Sharia” function as attempts to restrict ordinary Muslim religious practices while portraying Islam as incompatible with American identity.
103. | Bridge Initiative | Georgetown University | July 10, 2026
Reports on anti-Muslim political campaigning in Texas and connects opposition to Muslim institutions with a broader Christian nationalist conception of American culture.
104. | Bridge Initiative | Georgetown University | June 1, 2026
Discusses Christian nationalism and anti-Muslim politics as part of a longer civilizational narrative depicting political conflict as a struggle between Christianity and Islam.
105. | Legislative Study Group | Texas Legislative Study Group | May 11, 2026
Directly examines how Christian nationalism and anti-Muslim rhetoric intersect in Texas politics and argues that privileging Christianity weakens religious liberty for Muslims and other minorities.
106. | Center for the Study of Organized Hate | CSOH | April 21, 2026
Documents a coordinated anti-Muslim political campaign involving congressional rhetoric, social media activity, legislation, and the Sharia-Free America Caucus.
107. | Center for the Study of Organized Hate | CSOH | April 21, 2026
Summarizes research examining more than a thousand posts by Republican officials and multiple federal proposals portraying Muslims and Islamic practice as political threats.
108. | Center for the Study of Organized Hate | CSOH | April 2026
Full report documenting institutionalization of anti-Muslim rhetoric through legislation, political communication, and the Sharia-Free America Caucus.
109. | Bridge Initiative | Georgetown University | March 25, 2026
Collects commentary and reporting contrasting political portrayals of Muslims as a threat with growing concern about Christian nationalist political power.
110. | CAIR-Chicago | Council on American-Islamic Relations | March 23, 2026
Argues that congressional anti-Sharia proposals threaten Muslim religious liberty and incorrectly portray voluntary Islamic religious practice as a competing legal system.
111. | CAIR | Council on American-Islamic Relations | February 18, 2026
Explains CAIR's decision to classify the congressional Sharia-Free America Caucus as an anti-Muslim extremist organization.
112. | CAIR Research and Advocacy | Islamophobia.org | 2026
Documents federal proposals, political rhetoric, discrimination, collective suspicion of Muslim communities, and attempts to characterize Islamic religious practice as incompatible with American citizenship.
113. | Muslim Public Affairs Council | MPAC | 2026
Tracks congressional and state “Sharia scare” initiatives, anti-Muslim legislation, political advertisements, and rhetoric presenting Christianity as uniquely compatible with American civilization.
114. | Texas Freedom Network | Texas Freedom Network | 2026
Surveys Christian nationalism in Texas and identifies Islamophobia toward Muslim Texans as one consequence of efforts to privilege a conservative Christian definition of state identity.
115. | Bridge Initiative Team | Georgetown University | 2026
Examines the resurgence of anti-Muslim campaigning in Texas, including “Sharia takeover” narratives and political proposals targeting Muslim institutions.
116. | Bridge Initiative Team | Georgetown University | March 27, 2025
Examines organized Islamophobia networks and their influence on public debate, higher education, and the treatment of scholars studying Palestine, Islam, and Muslim communities.
117. | Southern Poverty Law Center | SPLC Hatewatch | 2025
Reviews the contemporary anti-Muslim movement and describes links between organized anti-Muslim activism and institutions associated with white Christian nationalism.
118. | Bridge Initiative | Georgetown University | February 16, 2023
Reviews the PRRI/Brookings Christian nationalism study from the perspective of anti-Muslim discrimination and Islamophobia.
119. | PRRI Staff | Public Religion Research Institute / Brookings | February 8, 2023
Landmark survey directly measures anti-Muslim sentiment among Christian nationalist adherents and sympathizers.
120. | Brookings Institution and PRRI | Brookings | February 8, 2023
Expert discussion of survey findings connecting Christian nationalism with anti-Muslim sentiment, racial identity, immigration hostility, authoritarianism, and political violence.
121. | Brookings Institution | Brookings | February 2023
Transcript detailing survey evidence that Christian nationalist adherents are substantially more likely to favor barring people from majority-Muslim countries.
122. | PRRI Staff | PRRI | February 8, 2023
Summarizes the PRRI/Brookings survey and explicitly notes correlations between Christian nationalism and anti-Muslim attitudes.
123. | Bridge Initiative | Georgetown University | November 4, 2022
Collects reporting and analysis on the intersection of American nationalism, Christian identity, election politics, and Islamophobic rhetoric.
124. | Bridge Initiative | Georgetown University | August 29, 2022
Discusses the problem of using Islamophobic analogies such as “Taliban” or “Sharia” to criticize Christian nationalism, noting that such comparisons reproduce stereotypes harmful to Muslim Americans.
125. | Bridge Initiative | Georgetown University | August 1, 2022
Highlights commentary contrasting fears of imagined Muslim “Sharia” with politicians openly identifying themselves as Christian nationalists.
126. | Bridge Initiative | Georgetown University | May 18, 2022
Reviews analysis connecting Christian nationalism, replacement theory, anti-immigrant sentiment, and anti-Muslim politics.
127. | Henry Millstein and Zachary Markwith | Islamic Networks Group | May 18, 2022
Direct examination of Islamophobia's role within white Christian nationalism, drawing upon social-science research and contemporary extremist ideology.
128. | American Civil Liberties Union | ACLU | 2021
Reviews continuing family, immigration, and civil-rights consequences after repeal of the Trump administration's travel restrictions.
129. | Bridge Initiative Team | Georgetown University | August 9, 2021
Analyzes how Donald Trump and Joe Biden framed the Muslim and African bans during the 2020 election and how political rhetoric can reinforce or challenge Muslim exclusion.
130. | Mobashra Tazamal | Georgetown University Bridge Initiative | January 27, 2020
Reviews the Muslim ban three years after implementation and situates it within Islamophobia, xenophobia, racism, and white nationalist politics.
131. | Bridge Initiative | Georgetown University | 2020
Documents the development and effects of the Muslim and African travel bans and connects the policy's language to anti-Muslim conspiracy theories about Sharia and constitutional loyalty.
132. | Bridge Initiative | Georgetown University | 2019
Reports that white evangelical Christians registered the highest anti-Muslim sentiment among the faith groups surveyed and explores politics as a major predictor.
133. | Bridge Initiative | Georgetown University | 2019
Examines media dissemination of anti-Muslim narratives, including Sharia fears, anti-Muslim activists, and claims that observant Muslims cannot be loyal Americans.
134. | Mobashra Tazamal | Georgetown University Bridge Initiative | February 14, 2018
Argues that U.S. anti-Sharia politics constructs national identity in explicitly white and Christian terms by presenting Muslims as incompatible with America.
135. | Bridge Initiative | Georgetown University | 2018
Examines organized efforts to translate Islamophobic conspiracy theories into anti-Sharia laws and other forms of institutional exclusion.
136. | Bridge Initiative | Georgetown University | 2018
Examines Frank Gaffney's influence on anti-Muslim politics and his role in arguments supporting the Trump travel ban.
137. | Elsadig Elsheikh, Basima Sisemore and Natalie Ramirez Lee | UC Berkeley Haas Institute | 2018
Documents hundreds of anti-Sharia bills and identifies the political networks responsible for converting anti-Muslim ideas into legislation.
138. | Bridge Initiative | Georgetown University | 2018
Investigates financial support for organizations and activists that promoted fears about Muslim Americans, Sharia, immigration, and Islamic political influence.
139. | Bridge Initiative Team | Georgetown University | October 22, 2017
Interactive timeline compiling Donald Trump's statements about Muslims, mosques, immigration, refugees, Sharia, terrorism, and the proposed Muslim ban.
140. | Farid Hafez | Georgetown University Bridge Initiative | September 19, 2017
Examines conspiracy claims portraying mainstream American Muslim institutions as part of a secret plot to undermine the United States.
141. | Bridge Initiative Team | Georgetown University | June 29, 2017
Maps connections between Trump administration officials and anti-Muslim organizations including ACT for America, the Center for Security Policy, and the David Horowitz Freedom Center.
142. | Othering & Belonging Institute | UC Berkeley | 2017
Methodology and database documenting state and federal measures aimed at excluding Muslims from full civic belonging.
143. | CAIR | Islamophobia.org | 2017
Traces the evolution of the Trump Muslim Ban from campaign rhetoric about closing mosques and excluding Muslims to formal immigration policy.
144. | American Civil Liberties Union | ACLU | 2017–2018
Litigation archive challenging the Muslim travel ban and documenting its effects on immigrants, refugees, families, and American Muslim communities.
145. | Southern Poverty Law Center | SPLC | 2017–2026
Profiles ACT for America and its campaigns promoting anti-Sharia legislation and narratives depicting Muslim religious practices as threats to constitutional government.
146. | Bridge Initiative | Georgetown University | 2017
Examines ACT for America's nationwide March Against Sharia and rhetoric claiming that observant Muslims cannot be loyal American citizens.
147. | Bridge Initiative Team | Georgetown University | May 2, 2016
Documents anti-Muslim violence and threats during the 2016 election campaign amid increasingly prominent political rhetoric targeting Muslims.
148. | Bridge Initiative | Georgetown University | 2016
Debunks claims that ordinary American Muslims and major Muslim organizations are engaged in a coordinated conspiracy to overthrow the Constitution and establish Islamic rule.
149. | Bridge Initiative | Georgetown University | December 2015
Examines the questionable polling used to support Donald Trump's proposal for a “total and complete shutdown” of Muslim immigration.
150. | Bridge Initiative | Georgetown University | 2015
Discusses research showing how activists frame anti-Sharia legislation as constitutional defense, transforming anti-Muslim suspicion into apparently neutral legal rhetoric.
151. | Center for American Progress | Center for American Progress | May 16, 2013
Explains how explicitly anti-Sharia proposals were repackaged as “foreign law” bans after constitutional objections, while remaining rooted in organized anti-Muslim activism.
Journalism and Public Commentary
152. | The Washington Post | The Washington Post | April 13, 2026
Examines anti-Muslim campaigning in Texas and Muslim residents' concerns about rhetoric portraying Islam as incompatible with the state's supposedly Judeo-Christian identity.
153. | Foreign Policy Staff | Foreign Policy | April 8, 2026
Explores criticism that Christian nationalist rhetoric surrounding U.S. military policy reinforces Islamophobic ideas of an existential civilizational conflict between Christianity and Islam.
154. | Jack Jenkins | Religion News Service | September 5, 2025
Reports on attempts to broaden nationalist alliances between conservative Christians and Jews while describing Muslims as a common cultural and political adversary.
155. | Peter Smith / Associated Press | PBS NewsHour | May 14, 2026
Covers a major Christian nationalist-oriented prayer event and the debate over defining the United States through explicitly Christian historical narratives.
156. | To The Contrary | PBS | 2024
Discusses church-state separation, Project 2025, Christian nationalism, Muslim refugees, and the legacy of the Trump travel ban.
157. | The Open Mind | PBS | 2018
Discusses the interaction among Christian nationalism, anti-Islam sentiment, far-right politics, and support for Donald Trump.
158. | Kate Shellnutt | Christianity Today | March 20, 2017
Examines the divide among evangelicals regarding Muslims and notes unusually high white evangelical support for Trump's restrictions on travelers from Muslim-majority countries.
159. | Lois Beckett | The Guardian | January 30, 2017
Covers evangelical Christian opposition to Trump's travel ban and demonstrates that Christian responses to Muslim immigration were not uniform.
160. | Chris McGreal | The Guardian | August 12, 2010
Documents the national wave of mosque opposition surrounding the Park51 controversy and its relationship to anti-Muslim political mobilization.
Other Background and Reference Sources
161. | American Civil Liberties Union | ACLU | Current
Provides constitutional background on free exercise of religion relevant to disputes over mosques, Muslim religious practices, and unequal treatment of minority faiths.