Christian Nationalism and European Nationalist Movements

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Christian Nationalism and European Nationalist Movements

Christian nationalism in Europe encompasses a varied collection of political ideas and movements that connect national identity with Christianity, Christian history, or a broader conception of European Christian civilization. The relationship is not uniform across Europe. Catholic, Protestant, Orthodox, secular, nationalist, conservative, and populist movements draw on Christianity in different ways, and institutional churches have sometimes supported, resisted, or remained divided over nationalist political projects.

A recurring theme in research on European nationalism is the distinction between religious belief and cultural Christian identity. Political movements can invoke Christianity as a symbol of national history, inherited culture, or European civilization even where church attendance and personal religious observance are comparatively low. In this form, Christianity functions less as a theological program than as a boundary describing who belongs to the nation or to Europe.

Christianity as Cultural and Civilizational Identity

Many European nationalist movements portray Christianity as part of a common national or European cultural inheritance. References to the "Christian West," "Christian Europe," "Christian civilization," and "Judeo-Christian values" appear in political debates concerning immigration, Islam, national sovereignty, European integration, family policy, and cultural change.

This form of politics is sometimes described as civilizationism. Nationalist movements that strongly defend national sovereignty can nevertheless describe themselves as members of a wider European civilization. Christianity provides one mechanism for reconciling these positions: political leaders can oppose greater political integration within the European Union while simultaneously presenting European nations as belonging to a shared Christian or Judeo-Christian civilization.

The concept is therefore larger than conventional religious nationalism. Christianity may be used as a religious belief system, a historical tradition, a cultural identity, a marker of national belonging, or a symbol separating Europe from perceived cultural outsiders.

Cultural Christianity and Religious Practice

The relationship between nationalist politics and personal religiosity is complex. Research summarized in the source material indicates that support for nationalist or radical-right parties cannot simply be equated with high levels of Christian religious practice.

In several Western European countries, nationalist parties have embraced Christian symbols while many of their supporters live in highly secular societies. Studies of Germany and other European countries have found cases in which regular churchgoers have historically been less supportive of radical-right parties than culturally Christian voters.

This has led scholars to distinguish between religious Christianity and cultural Christianity. Cultural Christianity identifies Christianity with national history, traditions, holidays, architecture, family norms, or Western civilization without necessarily requiring regular worship or adherence to church teaching.

The distinction helps explain why political movements may prominently display crosses, invoke Christian history, or describe Europe as Christian while maintaining difficult or sometimes hostile relationships with established Christian churches.

Immigration, Islam, and National Identity

Immigration and Islam are among the most important issues through which Christian identity enters contemporary European nationalist politics.

Numerous nationalist parties portray Christianity as part of the historical identity of European nations while depicting Islam as culturally foreign or incompatible with that identity. Political disputes involving immigration, mosques, Muslim religious clothing, refugee policy, citizenship, and integration have therefore become important arenas for competing definitions of national belonging.

These arguments differ significantly among countries. Some movements explicitly employ religious language, while others rely primarily on secular concepts such as national culture, women's rights, freedom of expression, or European civilization. In several cases, movements combine secular political positions with claims that historically Christian culture should be protected.

This creates an apparent paradox: secular nationalist parties can defend Christianity as an identity marker while advocating political positions that differ from those of established churches.

Hungary and the Politics of Christian Democracy

Hungary became one of the most prominent European examples of nationalism expressed through Christian political language during the governments of Viktor Orbán and Fidesz.

Orbán repeatedly associated Hungarian national identity with Christianity and promoted his political project using concepts including Christian culture and Christian democracy. These ideas were connected to policies and debates concerning immigration, national sovereignty, family policy, European integration, and Hungary's relationship with liberal political institutions.

Hungary also became important to wider nationalist networks. Orbán cultivated relationships with political movements and intellectual organizations elsewhere in Europe and the United States, making Hungary an influential meeting point for discussions about nationalism, sovereignty, Christianity, and conservative social policy.

At the same time, Christian responses within Hungary and internationally have not been uniform. Some religious leaders have supported elements of the government's program, while others have challenged the identification of Christian teaching with restrictive nationalism.

Poland and Catholic Nationalism

Poland represents a different historical relationship between Christianity and nationalism because Roman Catholicism has long played an important role in Polish national identity.

Catholic identity was particularly significant during periods when Poland lacked political independence and later during opposition to communist rule. Contemporary nationalist movements therefore operate within a political culture in which Catholicism already possesses substantial historical and symbolic importance.

During governments led by the Law and Justice party, debates concerning national sovereignty, abortion, family policy, migration, the European Union, and Polish historical identity frequently intersected with Catholic political and moral concerns.

The relationship between the Polish Catholic Church and nationalist politics has nevertheless been internally diverse. Bishops, clergy, Catholic organizations, nationalist activists, and political parties have disagreed over immigration, democracy, European integration, social policy, and the appropriate political role of the Church.

More explicitly nationalist organizations have also incorporated Catholic symbols and slogans into marches and political mobilization, particularly within Poland's Independence March and associated nationalist movements.

Italy: The League and Brothers of Italy

Italian nationalist politics demonstrates how Christian symbols can be used by parties with different political histories.

The League under Matteo Salvini prominently invoked Catholic and Christian imagery while campaigning on immigration, national sovereignty, and European political issues. Salvini's public use of religious symbols helped make the relationship between Christianity and populist nationalism a prominent subject of political debate.

Brothers of Italy, led by Giorgia Meloni, has similarly emphasized national identity, family, cultural tradition, and Italy's Christian heritage. Meloni has connected these themes with broader arguments about European civilization and conservative social values.

Italian politics also illustrates an important historical distinction between contemporary nationalist movements and the postwar tradition of Christian Democracy. European Christian Democratic parties developed from Catholic social and democratic traditions and played central roles in creating postwar European institutions. Contemporary nationalist invocations of Christianity may overlap with conservative Christian values while differing substantially in their approach to nationalism, sovereignty, immigration, and European integration.

Spain and Vox

Spain's Vox has incorporated Catholic history and Christian cultural symbolism into a nationalist political program concerned with Spanish unity, immigration, social policy, and national sovereignty.

Historical references to the Reconquista have appeared within Spanish nationalist discourse and have also been incorporated into broader European nationalist rhetoric. Such references portray contemporary political struggles through historical narratives concerning Christian kingdoms, Islam, territorial identity, and European civilization.

Spain's political history adds another layer of complexity. Catholicism played an important institutional and political role under Francisco Franco, making contemporary discussions of Catholic identity inseparable from debates over historical memory, secularization, and democracy.

Comparative studies of Vox and Italy's Brothers of Italy suggest both similarities and significant differences in the way the two parties employ Christian identity and interact with institutional religion.

France: Catholic Heritage and Laïcité

France presents a distinctive case because nationalism and Christian heritage operate alongside the strong republican tradition of laïcité, or state secularism.

French nationalist politics can therefore combine references to Catholic history and Christian civilization with an equally strong defense of secularism. The National Rally and other movements have frequently emphasized French cultural identity, immigration, Islam, and secular republican institutions.

This combination illustrates the difference between theological Christian nationalism and cultural nationalism. Christianity may be treated as part of France's historical inheritance even by politicians who strongly support secular government.

The relationship between practicing Catholics and nationalist political parties has also changed over time. Some Catholic voters have moved toward nationalist parties, while others and various Catholic institutions have opposed nationalist interpretations of Christianity.

Germany and Alternative für Deutschland

Germany's Alternative für Deutschland has used concepts such as the "Christian Occident" and Western Christian civilization in debates concerning immigration, Islam, German identity, and European politics.

Research on Germany demonstrates the importance of separating cultural Christian identity from active religious participation. Historically, practicing Christians and institutional churches have often been significant sources of opposition to the AfD.

Catholic and Protestant organizations have debated how Christian teaching should relate to nationalism, immigration, refugee policy, antisemitism, historical memory, and democratic institutions.

Germany's postwar political history also provides an important comparison between contemporary nationalism and traditional Christian Democracy represented principally by the Christian Democratic Union and Christian Social Union.

Austria and the FPÖ

Austria's Freedom Party has gradually incorporated the language of Christian and Western civilization into nationalist politics.

The party historically emerged from traditions different from Christian Democracy, but later political competition encouraged it to present itself as a defender of Austria's Christian-occidental culture, particularly in disputes concerning immigration and Islam.

The Austrian case also illustrates how competition between nationalist parties and established Christian Democratic parties can influence mainstream conservative politics.

Netherlands, Belgium, and Secular Christian Identity

The Netherlands and Belgium provide examples of Christian identity being invoked within societies that have experienced extensive secularization.

Dutch nationalist politics frequently treats Christianity as cultural heritage rather than demanding conventional Christian religious observance. The Party for Freedom and other political movements have used references to Judeo-Christian civilization in arguments about Islam, immigration, national identity, and liberal social values.

This produces a form of nationalism capable of combining historically Christian identity with social positions that would not necessarily correspond to traditional church teaching.

Researchers have described related developments as forms of postsecular nationalism: religion returns to political debate not primarily through increased religious practice but through arguments over historical identity and cultural belonging.

Sweden, Finland, Denmark, and the Nordic Countries

Nordic nationalist movements demonstrate similar tensions between secular societies and Christian cultural identity.

The Sweden Democrats have emphasized Sweden's Christian heritage despite operating within one of Europe's most secularized societies. Christianity may be invoked to distinguish Swedish culture from Islam or to emphasize continuity with national traditions.

Research in Finland has explored whether concepts developed to study American Christian nationalism can be transferred directly to Nordic societies. Such work indicates that European cases frequently require different measures because state churches, national religious histories, secularization, and political institutions differ substantially from those of the United States.

Denmark also has a long-running political debate concerning the relationship among Lutheran Christianity, Danish national identity, immigration, and multiculturalism.

These cases demonstrate that "Christian nationalism" can describe several different political configurations rather than a single ideology.

Greece and Orthodox Nationalism

In Greece, relationships between Orthodoxy and national identity have deep historical roots.

Modern Greek nationalism developed alongside the Greek Orthodox Church and the nineteenth-century struggle against Ottoman rule. Contemporary nationalist movements therefore draw upon a much older connection between religious and national identity than many newer Western European populist parties.

Golden Dawn incorporated Orthodox imagery and rhetoric into an explicitly ethnonationalist political project, although its relationship with the institutional Church was complicated and contested.

Research on Greece also highlights how nationalism can draw simultaneously upon religion, ethnic identity, historical grievance, anti-immigration sentiment, and broader civilizational narratives.

Romania, Serbia, and Southeastern Europe

Eastern and Southeastern Europe contain several historically important examples of nationalism intertwined with Orthodox Christianity.

Romanian nationalist thought has long included traditions linking Romanian ethnic identity with the Romanian Orthodox Church. Contemporary political movements such as the Alliance for the Union of Romanians have renewed debates over Orthodoxy, national identity, sovereignty, borders, and conservative social values.

Serbian nationalism has similarly maintained strong historical connections with Serbian Orthodox identity. The Church has played a major role in preserving cultural and historical narratives concerning the Serbian nation.

The relationship between Orthodoxy and nationalism also developed during the nineteenth century as independent national Orthodox churches emerged across Greece, Serbia, Romania, Bulgaria, and neighboring societies.

This history differs significantly from the contemporary cultural-Christian nationalism found in highly secular Western European countries.

Russia and Russian Orthodoxy

Russia represents another distinct form of interaction between Christianity and nationalism.

Following the collapse of the Soviet Union, the Russian Orthodox Church regained considerable public influence. Over subsequent decades, the Russian state and Church increasingly converged around themes including patriotism, traditional values, historical memory, national identity, and Russia's role in the world.

The concept of "traditional values" has also become part of Russia's international political messaging and relationships with conservative networks outside Russia.

The source material discusses the expanding political and geopolitical role of Russian Orthodoxy, including its relationship to Russian nationalism and to conflicts within the wider Orthodox world.

Russia therefore illustrates how religious nationalism may involve direct relationships among religious institutions, government power, foreign policy, and national identity rather than simply the electoral use of Christian cultural symbolism.

Historical Roots of European Christian Nationalism

Connections between Christianity and European nationalism long predate contemporary populist movements.

Nineteenth-century nationalism frequently developed within societies where religious institutions remained central to public life. Catholic nationalism emerged in several European countries, while Orthodox churches became deeply involved in nation-building in southeastern Europe.

Religious narratives concerning chosen peoples, sacred territory, national destiny, collective suffering, and providential purpose also provided symbolic resources for nationalist movements.

The twentieth century produced several competing relationships among Christianity, authoritarian nationalism, Christian democracy, socialism, liberal democracy, and European integration.

These histories are essential for understanding why similar Christian symbols can carry very different political meanings in different European countries.

Christian Democracy and Christian Nationalism

Christian nationalism should not automatically be equated with Christian Democracy.

Christian Democratic movements became major political forces in postwar Western Europe, particularly in Germany, Italy, Belgium, the Netherlands, and other countries. Their political traditions generally emphasized parliamentary democracy, social-market economics, Christian social thought, political pluralism, and international cooperation.

Christian Democratic leaders were also central figures in early European integration.

Contemporary nationalist parties may borrow Christian Democratic vocabulary or invoke Europe's Christian heritage while taking substantially different positions concerning national sovereignty, immigration, European integration, and cultural pluralism.

The overlap between these traditions varies by country, and political competition has sometimes caused established Christian Democratic or conservative parties to adopt themes promoted by nationalist challengers.

Churches and Resistance to Nationalist Appropriations of Christianity

European Christian institutions have not responded uniformly to nationalist movements.

Some clergy, organizations, and religious voters support nationalist or conservative political projects. Others argue that nationalism conflicts with Christian principles concerning universal human dignity, refugees, ethnic equality, religious freedom, or the transnational character of Christianity.

Institutional churches have sometimes acted as barriers to nationalist political mobilization. Research in Germany, France, Poland, Hungary, Italy, and other countries documents debates within Christianity about whether political movements are legitimately defending Christian values or selectively using Christian identity for political purposes.

The political meaning of Christianity therefore cannot be inferred simply from the rhetoric of political parties.

Transnational European Nationalism

Although nationalism emphasizes individual nations, European nationalist movements increasingly cooperate across national borders.

Political groups and alliances have brought together parties including Fidesz, National Rally, Vox, the Freedom Party of Austria, the Dutch Party for Freedom, Vlaams Belang, the League, Brothers of Italy, and other nationalist or conservative movements.

These alliances often emphasize national sovereignty while simultaneously presenting Europe as a common civilization threatened by immigration, demographic change, Islam, political liberalism, or centralized European institutions.

Christian or Judeo-Christian identity can serve as a common vocabulary for this transnational cooperation.

This creates a central paradox of contemporary European nationalism: parties organized around national sovereignty have increasingly developed international networks for advancing nationalist politics.

European Parliament and Political Alliances

The European Parliament has become an important arena for the development of transnational nationalist cooperation.

Different nationalist parties have belonged to several parliamentary groups and alliances rather than forming a single political bloc. Disagreements over Russia, Ukraine, economic policy, European institutions, foreign policy, and competing national interests have repeatedly complicated attempts to unify them.

Organizations such as the European Conservatives and Reformists and Patriots for Europe nevertheless demonstrate the increasing institutional coordination of nationalist and national-conservative politics.

Research summarized in the source material also finds that defining Europe through Christianity is a recurring form of transnational identity among some radical-right members of the European Parliament.

Transatlantic Connections

European nationalist movements increasingly interact with conservative political organizations and activists in the United States.

These connections include conferences, think tanks, political advisers, advocacy organizations, religious networks, media personalities, and funding relationships.

American Christian-right organizations have participated in European campaigns concerning abortion, LGBTQ issues, religious freedom, and family policy. European nationalist leaders and intellectuals have likewise developed relationships with American conservative political movements.

Ideas therefore circulate in both directions. Concepts associated with Christian nationalism, national sovereignty, traditional values, family policy, civilizational identity, and opposition to political liberalism increasingly exist within an international network rather than within isolated national movements.

European and American Christian Nationalism

Comparisons between European and American Christian nationalism reveal important similarities but also substantial differences.

Both can associate Christianity with national identity, historical destiny, traditional morality, immigration, and political sovereignty. Transatlantic political networks have also increased communication among activists and political leaders.

European cases, however, operate within very different historical and institutional environments. Many European countries have established or formerly established churches, long histories of Catholic or Orthodox nation-building, comparatively high levels of secularization, and political institutions unlike those of the United States.

Consequently, concepts and measurements developed for American Christian nationalism cannot necessarily be transferred directly to European societies.

In some European settings, "Christian nationalism" describes deeply religious forms of nationalism. In others it primarily describes cultural Christianity, civilizational identity, or political opposition to Islam and immigration.

Civilizationism and the Idea of Christian Europe

One of the broadest patterns within the material is the development of a political idea of Europe as a civilization.

This perspective can transcend ordinary nationalism. France, Italy, Hungary, Poland, Spain, Germany, Austria, the Netherlands, Sweden, and other countries possess different national traditions, yet political movements can portray all of them as members of a historically Christian European civilization.

Terms including "Christian Europe," "Judeo-Christian civilization," "the Christian West," and "the Christian Occident" provide symbolic frameworks for this concept.

Civilizationism can therefore reconcile two apparently contradictory ideas: strong national sovereignty and common European identity.

The phenomenon is not confined exclusively to radical-right politics. References to Europe's Christian or Judeo-Christian heritage have also appeared within mainstream conservative, Christian Democratic, centrist, and other political traditions. The political significance of such language consequently depends heavily on context and on the policies attached to it.

Sovereignty, Family, and Traditional Values

Across several countries, Christian-national or civilizationist rhetoric intersects with political debates over sovereignty and social policy.

Common themes include opposition to centralized European authority, support for national control over immigration, promotion of traditional family structures, opposition to some abortion and LGBTQ policies, and resistance to what supporters describe as excessive political or cultural liberalism.

These themes have helped produce cooperation among movements that otherwise differ substantially in theology, national history, economics, and foreign policy.

"Traditional values" has consequently become part of an international political vocabulary connecting some European nationalists with conservative religious networks elsewhere in Europe, Russia, and the United States.

Differences Among European Movements

European nationalist movements should not be treated as interchangeable.

Hungarian nationalism operates within a political and religious history different from French republican nationalism. Polish Catholic nationalism differs from Swedish cultural Christianity. Russian Orthodox state-church relations differ from Dutch postsecular nationalism. Greek and Serbian Orthodox nationalism developed through historical processes different from contemporary Spanish or Italian populism.

Parties also disagree over European integration, economics, Russia, Ukraine, NATO, religion, antisemitism, relations with Israel, social policy, and the degree to which Christianity should actually guide government.

Christian identity therefore provides one point of comparison among European nationalist movements but does not erase their substantial ideological and historical differences.

Conclusion

The material presents Christian nationalism in Europe not as a single political movement but as a spectrum of relationships among Christianity, nationhood, cultural identity, political sovereignty, and ideas of European civilization.

A central distinction is between Christianity as religious belief and Christianity as cultural identity. In some societies, nationalism remains closely connected to active religious institutions. In others, politicians invoke Christian heritage in largely secular societies as a marker of history, national belonging, or opposition to perceived cultural outsiders.

Catholic nationalism in Poland, Christian political rhetoric in Hungary and Italy, Catholic heritage in Spain and France, cultural Christianity in Germany and northern Europe, and Orthodox nationalism in southeastern Europe and Russia all demonstrate different configurations of religion and nationhood.

At the same time, nationalist movements increasingly participate in international political networks. European parliamentary alliances, cross-border conferences, advocacy organizations, intellectual networks, and transatlantic relationships allow political ideas concerning sovereignty, immigration, family, Christianity, and civilization to circulate across national boundaries.

The resulting phenomenon contains an enduring tension: movements committed to defending distinct national identities increasingly cooperate through a transnational political movement organized partly around the idea of a shared Christian or Judeo-Christian civilization.

Understanding European Christian nationalism therefore requires attention both to the similarities connecting these movements and to the historical, religious, institutional, and political differences separating them.



Christian Nationalism and European Nationalist Movements

1. | Lucienne Engelhardt | Party Politics / SAGE | 2026-01-28

Analyzes how far-right parties construct a "Christian West" by presenting Christianity as part of the identity of the political in-group while portraying Islam and cultural liberalism as competing outsiders.

2. | Damjan Mandelc | Religions | 2025-09-17

Compares Poland, France, and Slovenia and finds that populist radical-right parties frequently use Christianity as a national and European identity marker in debates about immigration and religious pluralism.

3. | Massimo D'Angelo | Journal of European Studies | 2025-07-31

Argues that the contemporary "Christian Europe" discourse cannot be attributed solely to far-right movements. The article traces earlier efforts by mainstream conservatives in France and Germany to define European identity partly through Christianity.

4. | Laurie Beaudonnet and Henio Hoyo Prohuber | Party Politics / SAGE | 2024

Studies speeches by radical-right members of the European Parliament and finds that a Christian definition of Europe is one of the most common forms of transnational European nationalism.

5. | Anja Hennig | Oxford Handbook of Illiberalism / Oxford University Press | 2023-12-18

Maps connections between Christianity and European illiberal politics, including Christian conservative movements, anti-Muslim civilizational narratives, Christian nationalism, and appeals to a Judeo-Christian European civilization.

6. | Fabio Wolkenstein | Journal of Common Market Studies | 2023

Explores the return of the idea of "Christian Europe" among nationalist conservatives including Fidesz, Poland's Law and Justice party, Germany's AfD, Austria's FPÖ, and Italy's League.

7. | Joseph Cerrone | Perspectives on Politics / Cambridge University Press | 2022-11-09

Examines how European far-right parties reconcile nationalism with a broader European civilizational identity. The study identifies Christianity as an important cultural marker through which parties construct a common European heritage while distinguishing Europe from Islam.

8. | Vibeke Schou Tjalve | Politics and Governance / SAGE | 2021-11-06

Investigates how concepts such as "Judeo-Christian civilization" and "Christian democracy" have circulated among nationalist and conservative movements on both sides of the Atlantic.

9. | Marlène Laruelle and Ellen Rivera | International Affairs | 2021

Examines educational and intellectual institutions associated with European nationalist politics and their efforts to formulate an international political project emphasizing sovereignty, Christianity, family, and conservative social norms.

10. | Jeffrey Haynes | Religions | 2020

Compares right-wing populism and religion in Europe and the United States, emphasizing the role of Christian civilizationist narratives in Western European populist politics.

Christianity, Religion, and the European Radical Right

11. | Kai Arzheimer | Research & Politics | 2025-07-10

Examines Western European survey evidence and finds that far-right attitudes are strongly associated with Islamophobia while personal religiosity itself has a much more complicated relationship with those attitudes.

12. | Michael Minkenberg | Journal of Illiberalism Studies | 2025-05-13

Compares relationships between radical-right politics and Christian or "para-Christian" identity in Western European democracies.

13. | — | Ethnic and Racial Studies | 2024

Investigates how religious heritage is used to define who belongs to the "historic nation," comparing explicitly illiberal nationalist uses of Christian heritage with more mainstream forms of national identity.

14. | Kamil Marcinkiewicz and Ruth Dassonneville | Electoral Studies | 2023

Reassesses whether Christianity acts as a restraint on or catalyst for European populist voting and shows that the relationship varies across political and institutional contexts.

15. | Tobias Cremer | Religion, State & Society | 2022-11-24

Examines how changing political cleavages have encouraged national-populist movements to use Christian identity symbols even when their supporters and leaders are not particularly religious.

16. | Efe Peker | Religions | 2022-02-11

Studies right-wing populist parties in the Netherlands, Belgium, France, Switzerland, Austria, Sweden, Denmark, and Norway and explains their rediscovery of Christianity as cultural heritage in response to immigration.

17. | Weiqian Xia | Social Science Research | 2021

Investigates whether immigration attitudes, values, and social capital help explain patterns of radical-right voting among European Christians.

18. | Steven M. Van Hauwaert and colleagues | Religion, State & Society | 2020

Examines the religious communication of 36 parties in seven Western European countries and finds that radical-right parties generally portray Christianity more positively and Islam more negatively than competing parties.

19. | Michael Minkenberg | Oxford Handbook of the Radical Right / Oxford University Press | 2018-02-05

Surveys the relationship between religion and radical-right movements and explains how Christianity can function as an identity and mobilization frame even in highly secular European societies.

20. | Kathleen A. Montgomery and Ryan Winter | Politics and Religion | 2015-05-26

Examines the paradox that radical-right parties frequently claim to defend Christian identity even though actively religious Christian voters have not always been their strongest constituency.

European Public Opinion and Christian Identity

21. | — | Nationalities Papers / Cambridge University Press | 2021

Develops a comparative typology of relationships between nationalism and religion and places European Christian nation-building in a broader historical framework.

22. | Pew Research Center | Pew Research Center | 2018-10-29

Finds significant East-West differences within the EU in the degree to which Christianity is regarded as an essential component of national identity.

23. | Pew Research Center | Pew Research Center | 2018-10-29

Comprehensive survey of religious and national identity across Central, Eastern, and Western Europe.

24. | Katie Simmons, Laura Silver, Courtney Johnson and Richard Wike | Pew Research Center | 2018-07-12

Maps ideological and populist divisions in Western European electorates and provides broader context for nationalist-party support.

25. | Pew Research Center | Pew Research Center | 2018-06-21

Documents the prevalence of nationalist political rhetoric directed toward religious minorities, noting that the phenomenon was especially widespread in Europe.

26. | Jeff Diamant and Kelsey Jo Starr | Pew Research Center | 2018-06-19

Compares nationalist, immigration, and religious-minority attitudes across Western European countries.

27. | Pew Research Center | Pew Research Center | 2018-05-29

Major survey of Western European Christianity showing that Christian identity remains politically and culturally meaningful even where regular religious practice has declined.

28. | Pew Research Center | Pew Research Center | 2018-05-29

Examines relationships among Christian identification, nationalism, immigration attitudes, and attitudes toward religious minorities across Western Europe.

29. | Pew Research Center | Pew Research Center | 2018-05-29

Provides background on declining Christian affiliation and the continuing role of Christian cultural identity across Western Europe.

30. | Neha Sahgal | Pew Research Center | 2018-05-29

Summarizes major findings on Christianity, secularization, immigration, national identity, and religious minorities in Western Europe.

Hungary and Viktor Orbán

31. | Reuters | Reuters | 2026-04-14

Reviews the wider European and transatlantic political influence built during Orbán's sixteen years in government and the consequences of his 2026 electoral defeat.

32. | Reuters | Reuters | 2024-09-06

Reports Orbán's description of Giorgia Meloni as a "Christian sister" and examines the leaders' shared emphasis on cultural roots, family policy, and migration despite significant foreign-policy differences.

33. | Michael Sean Winters | National Catholic Reporter | 2024

Discusses Hungary as a case in which Christian identity became increasingly incorporated into nationalist political legitimation.

34. | Amanda Coakley | Foreign Policy | 2021-08-03

Examines Orbán's attempt to reinterpret Europe's Christian-democratic tradition through a nationalist and illiberal political framework.

35. | Christian Lamour | Politics and Religion | 2021-05-06

Examines Viktor Orbán's use of Christianity as a central organizing theme connecting nationalism, populism, elite conflict, and the concept of "Christian democracy."

36. | Shaun Walker | The Guardian / Observer | 2019-12-29

Describes disagreements between Orbán and Hungarian Christian leaders who reject his interpretation of Christianity and nationalist politics.

37. | Euractiv with AFP | Euractiv | 2019-08-30

Describes Orbán's political partnership with Matteo Salvini and their stated defense of Europe's Christian heritage against migration.

38. | Shaun Walker | The Guardian / Observer | 2019-07-14

Reports on Orbán's effort to define Hungarian politics around Christianity, national identity, immigration, and opposition to multiculturalism.

39. | — | Euractiv | 2018

Discusses competing interpretations of Christianity in debates over Orbán's migration policies, human rights, and relations with the European Union.

40. | Euractiv with Reuters | Euractiv | 2016-10-24

Covers Orbán's defense of nation-states, borders, Christian traditions, and opposition to EU migration policies.

Poland and Catholic Nationalism

41. | Marika Jeziorek | Democratic Theory / Cambridge University Press | 2026-03-27

Examines how Catholic imagery, national identity, anti-migrant activism, and citizen border patrols converged in Poland during 2025.

42. | Przemysław Pazik | Aportes: Revista de Historia Contemporánea | 2024-04-30

Compares National Catholic political traditions in Poland and Francoist Spain between 1939 and 1945.

43. | — | Zeitschrift für Religion, Gesellschaft und Politik / Springer | 2023-02-08

Examines ideological and religious overlaps between Polish right-wing populism and Christianity during Law and Justice governments.

44. | — | Religions | 2021

Analyzes relations among Polish Catholic bishops, nationalism, Law and Justice, and liberal democracy, emphasizing important divisions within the Polish Church.

45. | — | Euractiv | 2019-11-12

Describes the role of Catholic imagery, "God, Honour, Fatherland," anti-EU themes, and nationalist organizations in Poland's Independence March.

46. | Aleksander Gomola | John Benjamins | 2019-05-20

Studies Catholic-nationalist discourse in Poland after EU accession and the framing of Poland as a religious nation confronting a supposedly secular Europe.

47. | Piotr Żuk and Paweł Żuk | Journal of Contemporary Central and Eastern Europe | 2019

Investigates the political alliance between Poland's nationalist right and conservative sectors of the Catholic Church.

48. | Natalia Ojewska | Euronews | 2018-02-08

Reports on relationships between Polish Catholic nationalism and organizations such as the National Radical Camp and All-Polish Youth.

49. | Arkadiusz Modrzejewski | ResearchGate / academic paper | 2017

Discusses Catholic and nationalist populism within Law and Justice and the influence of Catholic institutions on Polish political identity.

50. | George Friedman | Euractiv | 2016

Discusses nationalism, religion, sovereignty, and competing understandings of liberal democracy in Hungary and Poland.

Italy, Meloni, and Salvini

51. | — | Euractiv | 2024-03-22

Covers the European Conservatives and Reformists' emphasis on national sovereignty, family values, and preservation of Europe's Judeo-Christian roots.

52. | Chico Harlan and Stefano Pitrelli | The Washington Post | 2022-09-13

Interview in which Meloni discusses Christian values, Western civilization, secularism, national identity, and cultural politics.

53. | Michael Sean Winters | National Catholic Reporter | 2022

Commentary examining Giorgia Meloni's appeals to Christianity, national identity, immigration, and conservative social policy.

54. | — | America Magazine | 2021-07-15

Discusses the contrast between nationalist politicians' claims to defend Christian Europe and Catholic institutional responses emphasizing refugees and universal Christian identity.

55. | Euractiv | Euractiv | 2021-04-02

Reports on efforts by Orbán, Mateusz Morawiecki, and Matteo Salvini to coordinate nationalist-conservative forces around sovereignty, family, Christianity, and traditional values.

56. | Daniel Steinmetz-Jenkins and Anton Jäger | The Guardian | 2019-06-11

Discusses the growing political use of Christianity by Salvini, Orbán, Le Pen, Wilders, Polish national conservatives, and other European populist movements.

57. | Natalie Nougayrède | The Guardian | 2019-04-19

Examines attempts by European national populists to connect the Notre-Dame fire with broader narratives about defending Christian European civilization.

58. | — | Religion, State & Society | 2019

Examines Italian right-wing populism and the political use of "Judeo-Christian roots," focusing particularly on the League.

59. | — | Euractiv | 2019

Covers Meloni's efforts to build a broader European conservative alliance and her praise at the time for Orbán's defense of Europe's Christian identity.

France, Germany, Netherlands, Austria and Western Europe

60. | Reuters | Reuters | 2026-09-28

Reports French President Emmanuel Macron's discussion of Europe's Greco-Roman and Judeo-Christian inheritance while contrasting it with divisive nationalism and emphasizing democratic European integration.

61. | Financial Times | Financial Times | 2026-09-28

Discusses Pope Leo XIV, Robert Schuman, Christian democracy, European integration, and contemporary nationalist challenges to the postwar European political model.

62. | Kenneth R. Vaughan | International Sociology | 2024

Compares religion, secularization, and far-right support in Hungary, Italy, and the Netherlands.

63. | Tobias Cremer | Georgetown University Berkley Center | 2023-05-17

Presents research arguing that Christian symbolism among national populists in France, Germany, and elsewhere often reflects identity politics rather than renewed religious observance.

64. | — | Politics and Religion | 2022

Compares the German AfD and Dutch PVV, finding important differences between the AfD's mixture of cultural and religious Christianity and the PVV's primarily civilizational conception.

65. | Tobias Cremer | Georgetown University Berkley Center | 2020-01-28

Examines crosses, hymns, "Judeo-Christian West" rhetoric, and the complex relationship between European national-populist politics and Christian institutions.

66. | Tobias Cremer | Georgetown University Berkley Center | 2020

Explains differences between traditional European Christian democracy and the use of Christianity as cultural identity by contemporary national-populist movements.

67. | Editorial | The Guardian | 2019-12-25

Discusses the emergence of what the editorial describes as Christian-nativist politics in Poland and Hungary and its wider implications for Europe.

68. | Florian Bieber | Foreign Policy | 2019-11-30

Examines how European nationalist parties developed a transnational vision of Europe based partly on a shared Christian or Judeo-Christian civilizational identity.

69. | Ernst van den Hemel | KNAW / Meertens Institute | 2017

Analyzes appeals to "Judeo-Christian roots" and Christian symbols by Dutch liberal and populist-right parties and develops the concept of postsecular nationalism.

Sweden and the Nordic Countries

70. | Ilkka Koiranen, Tuomas Äystö, Jere Kyyrö, Talvikki Ahonen and Titus Hjelm | Social Compass | 2026-04-24

Tests whether the American concept of Christian nationalism can be transferred to Finland and identifies distinct state-centered and culturally diffuse forms of Finnish Christian nationalism.

71. | Koiranen, Äystö, Kyyrö, Ahonen and Hjelm | University of Helsinki | 2026

Provides research documentation and an extended abstract for the Finnish study of Christian nationalism and religious pluralism.

72. | Linnea Jensdotter | Journal of Church and State | 2025-07-01

Analyzes approximately 2,000 motions in Sweden's parliament and finds the Sweden Democrats particularly active in linking national identity to Christian cultural heritage.

73. | Ida Olenius | Journal of Church and State | 2025-07-01

Introduces the concept of "national Christianities" as a framework for understanding changing relationships between Christianity and nationalism across the Nordic region.

74. | Ali Al Mohammad | University of Gothenburg | 2025-06-17

Examines the Sweden Democrats' relationship with the Church of Sweden and the party's use of cultural Christianity in debates about immigration and multiculturalism.

75. | — | Religion, State & Society | 2025

Examines evangelical nationalism in Sweden and distinguishes explicitly religious nationalism from the Sweden Democrats' largely cultural use of Christianity.

76. | Uppsala University | Uppsala University | 2022-09-16

Summarizes research showing how Swedish radical-nationalist organizations increasingly incorporated religion into debates over Swedish identity and Islam.

77. | Per-Erik Nilsson | Critical Research on Religion | 2020-01-14

Analyzes how the Sweden Democrats use Christianity to define Swedish national identity and distinguish it from Islam, immigration, liberalism, and feminism.

78. | Hans Morten Haugen | Nordic Journal of Religion and Society | 2015

Studies the Sweden Democrats' effort to claim Christianity as part of national identity despite comparatively low levels of religious observance among their voters.

79. | Stephen Backhouse | Oxford University Press | 2011

Uses Søren Kierkegaard's nineteenth-century critique of Danish Christian nationalism to explore the theological relationship between Christianity, nationhood, and political power.

Romania, Serbia, Orthodoxy and Southeastern Europe

80. | Gheorghe-Iustinian Crețu | Religion in Communist Lands / SAGE | 2026-05-21

Examines Romanian Orthodox nationalism from the interwar period into contemporary debates about ecclesial identity and ethnophyletism.

81. | Ionuț Biliuță | Religion Compass | 2026

Traces the persistence and transformation of interwar Romanian religious-nationalist ideas within parts of the contemporary Orthodox milieu and their relationship with AUR.

82. | Alexandra Niculae | University of Liverpool | 2025

Examines how AUR employs Orthodox Christianity and ethno-populist rhetoric to construct a moralized conception of Romanian national identity.

83. | Nicholas Lackenby | Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute | 2024

Ethnographic examination of how Serbian Orthodox identity and the idea of the Serbian people interact in contemporary central Serbia.

84. | Lucian N. Leustean | Nationalities Papers | 2018-11-20

Examines the relationship between Romanian Orthodox Christianity, political power, and national identity during the interwar and wartime periods.

85. | Roland Clark | Nationalities Papers | 2018-11-20

Traces how Orthodox Christianity became central to Romanian ultranationalist thought through the work of Nichifor Crainic.

86. | Lucian N. Leustean, ed. | Fordham University Press | 2014

Comparative study of Orthodox Christianity and nationalism in nineteenth-century Greece, Romania, Bulgaria, and Serbia.

87. | Slobodan G. Markovich | Balcanica | 2013-12-01

Traces national identity formation among Orthodox Christians in Serbia, Greece, Bulgaria, Romania, and Macedonia during the nineteenth century.

88. | Roland Clark | Nationalities Papers | 2012-05-31

Original journal publication examining Orthodox nation-building and religious nationalism in 1920s Romania.

89. | Lavinia Stan and Lucian Turcescu | Oxford University Press | 2007-09-01

Examines the relationship between religion, ethnic identity, nationalism, Greek Catholicism, and Orthodoxy in post-communist Romania.

Historical and Comparative Foundations

90. | — | Journal of European Integration | 2026

Examines civilizationism within EU politics and shows that appeals to Christian Europe have spread beyond a narrowly defined far right.

91. | Max Brunner | Springer | 2025-08-01

Examines how contemporary Western European far-right movements construct a European collective identity in relation to Muslims and the idea of European civilization.

92. | — | International Studies Review | 2023

Examines the concept of Christendom in global politics and discusses contemporary European politicians and intellectuals who connect Christianity with Western or European civilization.

93. | — | Religion, State & Society | 2023

Traces the changing relationship between religion and right-of-center politics in the European Union, including Christian Democrats, radical-right parties, and the European Conservatives and Reformists.

94. | — | Global Studies Quarterly | 2022

Investigates civilizational narratives in international relations, including the political use of "Judeo-Christian values" in defining Europe and the West.

95. | — | Georgetown University Berkley Center | 2022

Provides a comparative explanation of how religion can become a resource for nationalist mobilization when national communities perceive threats from religious or cultural outsiders.

96. | Jos Stübner | Studia Litteraria et Historica | 2021

Compares civilizational ideas on the nationalist right in Poland, Germany, and Austria, including concepts such as Abendland, Latin Civilization, and the "civilization of death."

97. | Euractiv / investigative reporting | Euractiv | 2020-10-27

Reports on transnational financial and organizational links between American Christian-right groups and European conservative campaigns concerning abortion, LGBTQ rights, family policy, and related political causes.

98. | Borja Vilallonga | Modern Intellectual History | 2014-06-26

Traces the development of Catholic nationalist thought in nineteenth-century France, Italy, Spain, and other Latin European societies.

99. | Anthony D. Smith | Nations and Nationalism | 1999-07-01

Explores older religious ideas of chosen peoples, collective destiny, and covenant as intellectual resources later used by both religious and secular nationalisms.

Spain, Vox, Catholic Identity, and the Reconquista

100. | Susanna Mancini and Michel Rosenfeld | Oxford University Press | 2026-04-01

Distinguishes religious nationalism from religious populism and examines the political appropriation of majority religion to define the nation and exclude perceived outsiders.

101. | Mark Leonard and colleagues | European Council on Foreign Relations | 2026

Places Vox within a wider European nationalist realignment emphasizing borders, sovereignty, conservative social values, and interpretations of Europe's Judeo-Christian inheritance.

102. | Mae Elise Cannon | Review of Faith & International Affairs | 2025-10-13

Reviews the intersections among nationalism, populism, civilizationism, and religious freedom, providing a comparative framework applicable to Vox and other European nationalist movements.

103. | Carmen Innerarity and Antonello Canzano Giansante | Religions | 2025-02-08

Compares Spain's Vox and Italy's Fratelli d'Italia, examining how both movements use Christianity as a component of national identity, political symbolism, and opposition to Islam while differing in their relationships with institutional religion.

104. | Reuters | Reuters | 2025-02-08

Reports on the Patriots for Europe summit hosted by Vox leader Santiago Abascal in Madrid, including appeals to nationalism, European cultural identity, migration restriction, and the language of a European "Reconquista."

105. | Euractiv | Euractiv | 2024-07

Describes Vox's decision to join Patriots for Europe alongside Fidesz, the FPÖ, PVV, Vlaams Belang, and other nationalist parties.

106. | Ulrich Schmiedel and colleagues | Religion, State & Society | 2022

Explores how European nationalist movements sacralize the nation while selectively incorporating Christian imagery and religious repertoires into otherwise secular political projects.

107. | Avi Astor, Marian Burchardt and Mar Griera | Religions | 2021

Examines "banal Catholicism" in Spain and the continuing interaction between Catholic heritage, national belonging, public morality, Franco-era memories, and the emergence of Vox.

108. | Tuuli Lähdesmäki | Identities | 2014

Provides a useful comparative framework for understanding how European populists can oppose EU integration while simultaneously invoking Europe as a Christian cultural civilization.

Germany and Alternative für Deutschland

109. | — | Cambridge University Press | 2026

Examines how nationalist movements in Germany and Austria use religion and Christian identity as vehicles for ethno-nationalist political projects.

110. | — | German Politics | 2025

Examines AfD historical politics, nationalism, immigration, Christianity, Judaism, Islam, and disputes over Germany's remembrance culture.

111. | — | German Politics | 2025

Studies AfD support in eastern Germany through collective identity, perceived deprivation, nationalism, migration, and historical regional differences.

112. | Farid Hafez | Oxford University Press | 2024

Places AfD anti-Muslim politics within the longer history of German debates over national identity, immigration, and Islam.

113. | Oliver Noyan, Roberto Castaldi and Sarantis Michalopoulos | Euractiv | 2024

Examines the AfD's conflict with other European nationalist parties and the difficulties involved in forming a unified transnational nationalist bloc.

114. | Tobias Cremer | Cambridge University Press | 2023-03-23

Examines the AfD's claim to defend the "Christian Occident" and argues that the party often uses Christianity primarily as a cultural-national marker rather than as an expression of theological commitment.

115. | Tobias Cremer | Cambridge University Press | 2023-03-23

Provides historical background on Christianity, Christian democracy, church-state relations, and democratic identity in postwar Germany.

116. | Tobias Cremer | Cambridge University Press | 2023-03-23

Traces the transformation of the AfD from an anti-Euro party into an identitarian nationalist movement and analyzes its increasing politicization of religion.

117. | Tobias Cremer | Cambridge University Press | 2023-03-23

Studies resistance among German churchgoers to AfD voting and the role Catholic and Protestant churches have played as a social barrier against the party.

118. | Pascal Siegers and Alexander Jedinger | German Politics | 2020-01-31

Finds that active Christian religiosity historically reduced rather than increased support for the AfD, complicating assumptions that Christian rhetoric automatically translates into Christian electoral support.

France, National Rally, Catholicism, and Laïcité

119. | Célia Belin, Jeremy Cliffe, Camille Lons and Constance Victor | European Council on Foreign Relations | 2026-06-09

Analyzes contemporary National Rally nationalism, sovereignty, immigration, European alliances, and possible institutional consequences of an RN presidency.

120. | Jon Henley and colleagues | The Guardian | 2024-07-08

Reports on National Rally's alliance with Viktor Orbán and other nationalist parties in Patriots for Europe.

121. | Tobias Cremer | Cambridge University Press | 2023-03-23

Examines the complex combination of Christian cultural identity, secularism, laïcité, anti-Islam politics, and anticlericalism within France's populist right.

122. | Tobias Cremer | Cambridge University Press | 2023-03-23

Traces historical tensions between Catholic France and the secular republic that continue to shape modern nationalist politics.

123. | Tobias Cremer | Cambridge University Press | 2023-03-23

Explains how changing identity divisions, immigration, secularization, and cultural politics contributed to the growth of the French far right.

124. | Tobias Cremer | Cambridge University Press | 2023-03-23

Examines changing Catholic voting patterns toward Marine Le Pen's National Rally and Éric Zemmour.

125. | Tobias Cremer | Cambridge University Press | 2023-03-23

Collects Cremer's broader analysis of French Catholicism, National Rally politics, religion, nationalism, and laïcité.

126. | Kevin Passmore | Liverpool University Press / Oxford Academic | 2000

Provides historical background on Catholic nationalism within France's Fédération Républicaine during the interwar period.

Austria and the FPÖ

127. | Oliver Noyan | Euractiv | 2024

Examines FPÖ efforts to strengthen cooperation among European nationalist parties, including the AfD and National Rally.

128. | — | Identities | 2022

Examines FPÖ debates over Muslim women's clothing and traces the party's transition from anticlerical German nationalism toward presenting itself as a defender of Austria's Christian-occidental culture.

129. | — | Cambridge University Press | 2021

Examines how Austria's Christian Democratic ÖVP adapted politically to electoral competition with the nationalist FPÖ.

130. | Susi Dennison, Mark Leonard and Pawel Zerka | European Council on Foreign Relations | 2019-06-19

Examines European electoral fragmentation and voter concern about migration, nationalism, Islam, and national sovereignty.

131. | — | European Politics and Society | 2019

Studies sovereignty politics in Austria and compares the nationalist FPÖ with the Christian-conservative Austrian People's Party.

132. | European Council on Foreign Relations | ECFR | 2019

Places FPÖ voters within wider European patterns linking migration attitudes, nationalism, religion, and perceptions of Islamic radicalism.

133. | — | Politics and Religion | 2018

Examines how competition involving the FPÖ altered Austrian government policy toward Islam and religious minorities.

134. | Euractiv | Euractiv | 2016

Provides historical background on growing cooperation between the German AfD and Austrian FPÖ.

Italy, the League, and Brothers of Italy

135. | Foreign Policy | Foreign Policy | 2026-05-29

Discusses Meloni's nationalist and socially conservative political worldview alongside evolving relations between European nationalists and the American right.

136. | Jan-Werner Müller | Foreign Policy | 2026-03-13

Contrasts postwar European Christian Democracy with newer nationalist movements invoking Christian civilization and post-liberal politics.

137. | Rosario Forlenza and Bjørn Thomassen | Oxford University Press | 2024-05-09

Places contemporary appeals to Christian Europe by the League and other right-wing movements in the historical context of Italian Christian Democracy.

138. | Rosario Forlenza and Bjørn Thomassen | Oxford University Press | 2024-05-09

Examines the development of Italian Catholic popular democracy and provides historical background for distinguishing Christian Democracy from later nationalist uses of Christianity.

139. | Rosario Forlenza and Bjørn Thomassen | Oxford University Press | 2024

Comprehensive history of Italian Christian Democracy that concludes with the contemporary political appropriation of Christian themes by nationalist and populist parties.

140. | — | Religion, State & Society | 2023

Studies Italian members of the European Parliament and the selective politicization of Catholic and Christian identity, especially by radical-right politicians on migration and security.

141. | Manuela Caiani and Tiago Carvalho | Religion, State & Society | 2021-07-30

Examines the use of religious appeals by Italian populist parties and identifies the League's use of Christianity as a highly salient cultural identity marker.

Netherlands, Belgium, Denmark, Finland, and Sweden

142. | — | Ethnic and Racial Studies | 2024

Examines ethnocentrism and Islamophobia among Dutch evangelicals and distinguishes committed religious Christianity from cultural-national Christian identity.

143. | Janique Schep and Anouk Smeekes | Ethnic and Racial Studies | 2023-08-30

Studies the connection between defining the Netherlands as a Christian nation and opposition to Muslim religious expression.

144. | — | Religion, State & Society | 2023

Compares Christian political parties in Sweden, Finland, Denmark, and Norway and their attempts to respond to secularization and populist-right competition.

145. | — | European Politics and Society | 2022

Examines Finland's Christian Democrats and growing competition from radical-right parties promoting ethnocentric interpretations of Christian values.

146. | — | Identities | 2021

Compares Sweden and Finland and examines how radical-right populists use Christianity, gender equality, nationalism, and opposition to Muslim migration.

147. | — | European Societies | 2018

Examines the Sweden Democrats' construction of Swedish identity within a wider Western, European, and Christian civilizational framework.

148. | — | Politics, Religion & Ideology | 2013

Examines Danish neo-nationalism, anti-Islam politics, the Danish People's Party, and the role of the nationalist-Christian Tidehverv movement.

149. | Hans Morten Haugen | Politics and Religion | 2011-09-30

Explores the political connection between Christianity and Danishness and its use in anti-immigration debates.

Greece and Orthodox Nationalism

150. | Neil Bar | Nationalities Papers | 2026-02-02

Examines antisemitism and conspiracy ideology within Golden Dawn and its relationship to wider European nationalist norms.

151. | — | Terrorism and Political Violence | 2026

Uses interviews with former Golden Dawn voters to examine the interaction of economic crisis, nationalism, masculinity, and political grievance.

152. | Neil Bar | Mediterranean Politics | 2025-06-01

Examines Golden Dawn's changing approach toward Islam, nationalism, immigration, antisemitism, and civilizational identity.

153. | — | Mediterranean Politics | 2025

Studies digital propaganda and ethnonational identity in Golden Dawn's online communications.

154. | Grace Davie | Oxford Handbook of Religion and Europe | 2021-12-08

Examines the diverse political meanings of Eastern Orthodoxy and competing conceptions of Europe across Orthodox-majority societies.

155. | Iasonas Lamprianou and Antonis A. Ellinas | South European Society and Politics | 2016-07-22

Studies institutional grievances and electoral support for Golden Dawn.

156. | — | Journal of Intercultural Studies | 2016

Examines Golden Dawn activism, nationalist mobilization, anti-immigrant politics, and political violence at the local level.

157. | Konstantinos Papastathis | Politics, Religion & Ideology | 2015-10-12

Examines religious discourse surrounding Greece's radical right and argues that Golden Dawn instrumentalized Orthodox Christianity as a marker of national identity and exclusion.

158. | Lucian N. Leustean, ed. | Fordham University Press | 2014

Historical comparison of Orthodox Christianity and nationalism in Greece, Serbia, Romania, and Bulgaria.

159. | Antonis A. Ellinas | South European Society and Politics | 2013-03-25

Traces Golden Dawn's emergence, nationalism, anti-immigration politics, organizational development, and extremist ideology.

Croatia, Romania, Serbia, and Southeastern Europe

160. | Elizabeth H. Prodromou | European Journal of Political Research | 2026-01-01

Examines the political construction of Eastern Orthodox and Western Christian Europes and the consequences of treating the two as rival civilizational regions.

161. | — | European Politics and Society | 2026

Traces Croatian radical-right thought from anti-communism toward broader anti-liberal politics influenced by Catholic morality campaigns.

162. | — | Journal of Borderlands Studies | 2026

Examines Romanian AUR discourse concerning borders, Romanian identity, Orthodox Christianity, Ukraine, and irredentist themes.

163. | — | Identities | 2022

Examines Catholic anti-gender mobilization in Croatia and its connections to nationalism, anti-communism, sovereignty, and populist political framing.

164. | Irina Ognyanova | Cambridge University Press | 2021-06-10

Historical study of Catholic symbolism, nationalist ideology, racial politics, and sacralized politics within Croatia's Ustasha regime.

165. | Srđan Mladenov Jovanović | National Identities | 2020

Examines contemporary Serbian nationalism, online political networks, and Orthodoxy-based national identity.

166. | Lucian N. Leustean | Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics | 2019

Surveys church-state relations throughout Orthodox Europe and explains how Orthodoxy became closely linked to national identity in Greece, Serbia, Bulgaria, Romania, Russia, and neighboring states.

167. | — | Religion, State & Society | 2019

Investigates ecclesiastical nationalism and ethnophyletism within the Serbian Orthodox Church.

Russia, Russian Orthodoxy, and Transnational Conservatism

168. | — | Journal of Church and State | 2026-07-22

Examines the Russian Orthodox Church and the transnational "traditional values" agenda before and after Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine.

169. | — | Journal of Church and State | 2026-07-22

Studies the political and security role attributed to the Russian Orthodox Church in Russia, Ukraine, Estonia, and international Orthodox relations.

170. | — | Journal of Church and State | 2026-07-22

Introduces research on the expanding geopolitical role of Russian Orthodoxy and its interaction with nationalism throughout the Orthodox world.

171. | — | Cambridge University Press | 2026

Surveys Russian ethnicity and religion and the use of Orthodox Christianity and ethnic Russian nationalism in contemporary state legitimation.

172. | Kristina Stoeckl | Journal of Law and Religion | 2024-09-25

Traces the evolution of Russian Orthodox Church-state relations and their increasing integration during Russia's war against Ukraine.

173. | Gaziza Shakhanova and Petr Kratochvíl | Politics and Religion | 2020-12-21

Examines the growing convergence between the Russian state and Russian Orthodox Church around patriotism, national memory, education, and public political identity.

174. | Tobias Rupprecht | Comparative Studies in Society and History | 2018-01-04

Explores "Orthodox internationalism" and how religious identity has contributed to Russian visions of international political order.

175. | Zoe Knox | Nationalities Papers | 2018

Examines Russian Orthodoxy, nationalism, and the political role of Patriarch Aleksii II.

176. | Mikhail Maslovskiy and Nikita Shangin | Cambridge University Press | 2014-09-05

Examines the revival of Orthodox Christianity and its relationship with politics and national identity in post-Soviet Russia.

177. | — | Nationalities Papers | 1997

Examines the post-Soviet search for a Russian national ideology and the proposed role of Orthodox Christianity in rebuilding national identity.

Comparative Europe, Civilizationism, and Transnational Networks

178. | Euractiv | Euractiv | 2026

Investigates Brussels-based conservative religious networks, American organizations, Catholic groups, and their links with nationalist and conservative members of the European Parliament.

179. | Tobias Cremer | Cambridge University Press | 2023-03-23

Concludes a comparative study of religion and nationalist populism by arguing that contemporary appeals to Christianity often represent a secularized idea of Christendom and collective identity rather than a straightforward revival of Christian religious practice.

180. | Nilay Saiya | Review of Faith & International Affairs | 2023

Examines Christian nationalism as an international rather than exclusively American phenomenon and discusses implications for democratic pluralism.

181. | Tobias Cremer | Georgetown University Berkley Center | 2021

Uses Germany and France as comparative cases showing how churches have responded to nationalist groups attempting to appropriate Christian symbols.

182. | Mark Juergensmeyer | Cambridge University Press | 2014-09-05

Places European religious nationalism within the wider global resurgence of movements combining nation, religion, identity, and political sovereignty.