Christian Nationalism by Age, Race, and Education
Christian Nationalism by Age, Race, and Education
Christian nationalism in the United States is not distributed evenly across the population. Large national surveys and academic studies find significant differences according to age, educational attainment, race, ethnicity, religious tradition, political affiliation, and other demographic characteristics.
Among the clearest recurring patterns are differences by age and education. Older Americans generally express greater support for Christian-nationalist ideas than younger Americans, while people with less formal education tend to show greater support than people with four-year college or postgraduate degrees.
Race and ethnicity present a more complicated picture. Christian nationalism cannot simply be equated with white identity because significant numbers of Black and Hispanic Americans also express beliefs that register as Christian nationalist on commonly used survey measures. However, research shows that similar Christian-nationalist beliefs can have substantially different political meanings and consequences among white, Black, Hispanic, and other racial groups.
These findings suggest that Christian nationalism is best understood as a multidimensional political and religious worldview whose significance depends not only on whether someone endorses Christian-nationalist ideas, but also on the person's religious tradition, racial identity, education, generation, partisan affiliation, and understanding of American national identity.
National Surveys and Demographic Patterns
The Public Religion Research Institute's American Values Atlas has provided some of the most extensive national data on Christian nationalism. Surveys involving tens of thousands of respondents consistently find that support increases with age and decreases with educational attainment.
PRRI generally divides respondents into four categories: Adherents, Sympathizers, Skeptics, and Rejecters. Older Americans and people with lower levels of formal education are disproportionately represented among Adherents and Sympathizers, while younger and more highly educated Americans are more likely to fall into the Skeptic and Rejecter categories.
The 2023, 2024, and 2025 American Values Atlas studies show that these patterns have remained relatively stable. Americans age 65 and older are considerably more likely than younger adults to support Christian nationalism, while Americans with postgraduate education are among the groups least likely to do so.
PRRI's research also shows that Christian nationalism varies substantially by religion and political affiliation. White evangelical Protestants are consistently among the most supportive religious groups, while religiously unaffiliated Americans are among the least supportive.
National polling from Pew Research Center and the University of Massachusetts Amherst similarly shows strong demographic divisions over whether the United States should officially be considered Christian, whether government should promote Christian values, and whether Christianity should play a privileged role in American public life.
Age and Generational Differences
Age is one of the strongest demographic divisions found in research on Christian nationalism.
Older Americans are substantially more likely than younger adults to believe that the United States was founded as a Christian nation, should currently be considered a Christian nation, or should promote Christian values through government institutions.
PRRI research comparing generations finds Christian-nationalist support highest among members of the Silent Generation and Baby Boomers and generally lower among Millennials and Generation Z.
Pew Research has found similarly large generational differences. Americans age 65 and older are much more likely than adults under 30 to say that the United States should be a Christian nation or that the nation's founders intended it to be one.
Young adults are also more likely to favor strong separation between church and state and to oppose government promotion of Christianity.
These differences have led researchers to consider whether generational replacement could gradually reduce Christian-nationalist support. Younger generations are both less religious and more racially and religiously diverse than older generations. However, generational change alone does not guarantee that Christian nationalism will disappear, because political mobilization, religious institutions, media systems, and elite rhetoric can influence political identities over time.
Education and Educational Attainment
Educational attainment is another particularly strong predictor.
Across multiple PRRI surveys, Americans with a high-school education or less are substantially more likely to qualify as Christian-nationalism Adherents or Sympathizers than Americans holding four-year college or postgraduate degrees.
Academic research also suggests that the relationship extends beyond formal credentials. Research examining cognitive ability finds that higher cognitive ability is negatively associated with several Christian-nationalist positions even after controlling for education, religion, politics, and other demographic factors.
Education may also influence how Christian nationalism interacts with attitudes about race. Studies of evangelical Christians find that educational attainment can alter the relationship between Christian nationalism and explanations of racial inequality.
Research on the 2024 presidential election further suggests that Christian nationalism was particularly strongly associated with Donald Trump's vote share in states with lower average educational attainment.
Education is therefore relevant in at least two ways: educational attainment is associated with the likelihood of endorsing Christian-nationalist ideas, and educational environments themselves have become an important arena in which Christian nationalism is promoted, contested, or examined.
Christian Nationalism and Education Policy
Christian nationalism has become increasingly important in debates over public education.
Researchers have examined its relationship with disputes involving the teaching of American history, race, critical race theory, school prayer, Bible instruction, LGBTQ issues, school vouchers, parental-rights activism, book restrictions, and school-board politics.
Some scholarship describes educational settings as institutions through which Christian-nationalist ideas can be transmitted. Conservative Christian schools and homeschooling networks have sometimes promoted interpretations of American history emphasizing divine providence, Christian founding narratives, and traditional social hierarchies.
Research on literacy and religious education has also examined how biblical interpretation and proof-texting can reinforce broader Christian-nationalist political narratives.
At the same time, adult education and teacher education have been proposed as ways of helping citizens critically examine Christian nationalism, racial hierarchy, authoritarianism, and competing understandings of American democracy.
Race and Ethnicity
The relationship between race and Christian nationalism is considerably more complex than differences by age or education.
Early public discussion often treated Christian nationalism primarily as a white political phenomenon. Research increasingly shows, however, that Christian-nationalist beliefs also appear among Black, Hispanic, and other nonwhite Americans.
This does not necessarily mean that Christian nationalism functions identically across racial groups.
Studies comparing white, Black, and Latino Christians find that many Christian-nationalist beliefs operate similarly when questions involve religion or national identity. Differences become much larger when political issues directly involve racial group interests.
Researchers therefore caution against assuming that a Black, Hispanic, and white respondent who receive similar scores on a Christian-nationalism scale necessarily hold identical political worldviews.
White Identity and Christian Nationalism
A large body of research nevertheless finds particularly strong connections between Christian nationalism and white racial identity.
Studies have linked Christian nationalism among white Americans with racial solidarity, perceptions of shared white political interests, positive evaluations of white Americans, opposition to certain racial-justice claims, and exclusionary understandings of national membership.
Experimental research also suggests that racial cues can influence white Americans' support for Christian-nationalist ideas, indicating that concepts of Christian America and white American identity may sometimes be psychologically connected.
Other scholarship places these attitudes within a longer history of racialized narratives about the United States as a Christian civilization.
Researchers examining nostalgic narratives of Christian America argue that such stories can minimize or reinterpret slavery, Indigenous dispossession, segregation, immigration restrictions, and other historical conflicts over race and citizenship.
Black Americans and Christian Nationalism
Black Americans illustrate why Christian-nationalism survey measures require careful interpretation.
Some Black respondents score relatively highly on measures that ask whether the federal government should declare America a Christian nation, whether Christianity should influence government, or whether the country's success is part of God's plan.
However, Black Christian nationalists frequently differ sharply from white Christian nationalists on political and racial issues.
Studies find differences involving immigration, racial discrimination, white supremacy, government assistance, political candidates, and perceptions of racial inequality.
Black religious history may partially explain these patterns. Black churches have long connected Christianity with political liberation, civil rights, equality, and collective advancement. Consequently, religious language linking Christianity and the nation can carry meanings different from those found within white Christian-nationalist movements.
Researchers therefore warn against interpreting identical survey answers as evidence of identical political ideologies.
Hispanic and Latino Americans
Hispanic Americans also show significant internal variation.
PRRI research finds particularly high Christian-nationalist support among Hispanic Protestants compared with Hispanic Catholics and religiously unaffiliated Hispanics.
This difference demonstrates that religious tradition can sometimes be more informative than racial or ethnic identity alone.
Researchers have also examined evangelical, Pentecostal, charismatic, and apostolic networks that connect Latino Christians across national borders and may influence political understandings of Christianity, government, and national identity.
Experimental research further suggests that Christian-nationalist rhetoric can affect Hispanic voters differently from white voters even when respondents report similar levels of Christian-nationalist belief.
Asian American and AAPI Perspectives
Asian American and Pacific Islander respondents generally exhibit lower levels of Christian-nationalist support than several other racial groups in PRRI surveys.
Part of this difference may reflect the religious diversity of AAPI populations, which include Christians alongside Buddhists, Hindus, Muslims, members of other religious traditions, and large numbers of religiously unaffiliated people.
Research involving Asian and Asian American respondents has also examined whether Christian-nationalist beliefs influence perceptions of anti-Asian discrimination and white privilege.
The comparatively low aggregate level of Christian-nationalist support among AAPI Americans illustrates why race, religious affiliation, immigration history, and national identity should be analyzed together rather than independently.
Race, Immigration, and National Belonging
Christian nationalism is strongly associated with debates about who qualifies as a legitimate member of the American nation.
Research connects Christian nationalism with attitudes toward immigrants, refugees, citizenship, Muslims, religious minorities, and other groups whose belonging may be perceived as challenging a traditional conception of Christian America.
However, these relationships vary by racial and political identity.
Studies examining white, Black, and Hispanic respondents suggest that Christian nationalism can produce different attitudes depending on which group is presented as an outsider and whether respondents perceive their own community as protected or threatened.
This helps explain why researchers increasingly describe Christian nationalism as a framework for defining symbolic boundaries around American identity rather than simply as support for Christianity itself.
Policing, Law Enforcement, and Social Order
Researchers have also examined Christian nationalism in relation to policing and law enforcement.
Earlier research found differences in how Christian nationalism influenced white and Black Americans' perceptions of police treatment of African Americans.
More recent experimental research indicates that Christian-nationalist support for law enforcement can depend on whom authorities are perceived as protecting or controlling.
Support for police, immigration enforcement, Capitol Police, or other institutions may therefore change depending on whether those institutions are viewed as defending the Christian-nationalist cultural in-group or acting against it.
This suggests that Christian-nationalist attitudes toward authority are often conditional rather than universally pro-government or pro-law-enforcement.
Voting, Democracy, and Political Inclusion
Christian nationalism has significant implications for democratic participation.
Research has linked Christian nationalism with greater support for restricting voting access and with willingness in some circumstances to permit political leaders to violate established democratic norms.
Other research finds that racial identity can modify these effects.
Christian-nationalist political rhetoric may mobilize white voters differently from Black or Hispanic voters, and racial identity can alter the relationship between Christian nationalism and political ideology.
These findings challenge the assumption that Christian nationalists constitute a single politically uniform constituency.
Instead, Christian nationalism interacts with party affiliation, religion, race, education, geography, and perceptions of social threat.
Demographic Change and Christian Nationalism
Many researchers interpret contemporary Christian nationalism partly as a response to major demographic transformations in the United States.
The share of Americans identifying as white and Christian has declined, religiously unaffiliated populations have grown, immigration has increased racial and religious diversity, and younger generations hold significantly different religious and political attitudes from older generations.
These developments have transformed long-established assumptions about American identity.
Some scholars argue that Christian nationalism provides a way of defending a social order historically associated with white Christianity and traditional cultural authority.
Perceptions that Christians are losing cultural status can consequently intensify support for Christian-nationalist politics.
Research on religious pluralism shows that some Christian nationalists may express abstract support for religious freedom while becoming considerably less tolerant when they perceive Christianity as threatened.
Christian Nationalism Is Not Demographically Uniform
The accumulated research cautions against treating Christian nationalism as a demographic identity in itself.
Not every white Christian is a Christian nationalist, and not every Christian nationalist is white.
Likewise, Christian nationalism cannot be explained solely by education, age, evangelical religion, Republican identification, or racial attitudes.
Instead, it emerges through interactions among several factors.
Older age and lower educational attainment consistently predict greater support, but religious tradition and political identity also matter substantially.
Race further changes the meaning and political consequences of Christian-nationalist beliefs.
The same survey response can therefore represent different religious histories, political motivations, and understandings of American identity.
Conclusion
Research on Christian nationalism by age, race, and education reveals both clear demographic patterns and important complexities.
The strongest and most consistent findings concern age and education. Older Americans generally express greater support for Christian nationalism than younger Americans, while people with lower educational attainment tend to be more supportive than people with college or postgraduate education.
Generational differences are substantial, with Millennials and Generation Z generally showing greater resistance to government promotion of Christianity than Baby Boomers and members of the Silent Generation.
Race and ethnicity require more careful interpretation. Christian nationalism exists among white, Black, Hispanic, Asian American, and other communities, but its political meaning does not remain constant across those populations.
Among white Americans, Christian nationalism is frequently associated with white identity, racial solidarity, restrictive definitions of national belonging, and conservative political behavior.
Among Black Americans, similar Christian-nationalist survey responses may coexist with support for racial equality, social welfare programs, and political positions sharply different from those associated with white Christian nationalism.
Among Hispanic Americans, religious tradition is especially important, with Hispanic Protestants generally expressing much higher support than Hispanic Catholics or religiously unaffiliated Hispanics.
AAPI Americans generally display comparatively low levels of Christian-nationalist support.
Taken together, the evidence suggests that Christian nationalism should not be understood simply as a religious belief or a demographic characteristic. It is a political and cultural framework through which Americans interpret religion, national identity, race, authority, history, and belonging.
Its influence depends heavily on who holds the belief, the social environment in which it appears, and which political or racial interests are involved.
131. Christian Nationalism by Age, Race, and Education
National Surveys and Demographic Profiles
1. | PRRI Staff / Meanings of Democracy Lab | Public Religion Research Institute | September 24, 2026
Examines the demographic characteristics of Americans who reject Christian nationalism. Younger adults and more highly educated Americans are especially concentrated among Christian-nationalism Rejecters.
2. | PRRI Staff | Public Religion Research Institute | September 24, 2026
Summarizes the characteristics of the roughly two-thirds of Americans who resist Christian nationalism, including differences across age, education, religion, and political affiliation.
3. | Pew Research Center | Pew Research Center | May 14, 2026
Examines Christian nationalism and government promotion of religion by religious tradition and demographic group. Black Protestants, white evangelicals, Hispanic Catholics, unaffiliated Americans, and other constituencies show markedly different attitudes.
4. | UMass Poll | University of Massachusetts Amherst | April 7, 2026
Detailed demographic cross-tabs show Americans age 55+ substantially more supportive of declaring the United States Christian and promoting Christian values than younger adults. Postgraduates are particularly supportive of church-state separation.
5. | UMass Poll | University of Massachusetts Amherst | April 2026
"Views on the Nation and What Makes Us American as the U.S. Approaches 250." Measures Christian nationalism alongside race, age, education, party, income, religion, and conceptions of national identity.
6. | PRRI Staff | Public Religion Research Institute | February 17, 2026
Mapping Christian Nationalism Across the 50 States: Insights from PRRI’s 2025 American Values Atlas. Based on more than 22,000 interviews, the report finds that Christian nationalism is more common among older Americans and those with less formal education. Americans with high school education or less show substantially greater support than those with postgraduate degrees, while AAPI Americans are less supportive than most other racial groups.
7. | PRRI Staff | Public Religion Research Institute | February 17, 2026
Summary of PRRI's 2025 American Values Atlas findings. The release describes the demographic, partisan, religious, and geographic constituencies most associated with Christian nationalism.
8. | PRRI Staff | Public Religion Research Institute | February 17, 2026
Examines Christian nationalism in Arizona, Florida, Georgia, Michigan, Minnesota, North Carolina, Pennsylvania, Texas, and Wisconsin, providing demographic profiles within politically important states.
9. | PRRI Staff | Public Religion Research Institute | February 2026
Full report supporting PRRI's 2025 American Values Atlas analysis, including demographic tables for age, education, race, religion, political affiliation, geography, and media use.
10. | PRRI Staff | Public Religion Research Institute | February 4, 2025
PRRI's 2024 American Values Atlas analysis finds Christian nationalism positively associated with older age and lower education. It also compares white, Black, Hispanic, multiracial, and AAPI Americans.
11. | PRRI Staff | Public Religion Research Institute | 2025
Presentation of American Values Atlas findings with detailed tables for education, age, and race. It shows substantially higher adherence among people with high school education or less and among older Americans.
12. | PRRI Staff | Public Religion Research Institute | 2025
Full report underlying PRRI's 2024 Christian nationalism analysis. Provides demographic tables showing differences by educational attainment, age, race, religion, partisanship, and media consumption.
13. | PRRI Staff | Public Religion Research Institute | February 28, 2024
Highlights findings from more than 22,000 respondents and links Christian nationalism to education, age, religion, party affiliation, geography, and other demographic characteristics.
14. | PRRI Staff | Public Religion Research Institute | February 28, 2024
The 2023 American Values Atlas finds nearly four in ten Americans age 65+ support Christian nationalism compared with roughly one-quarter of adults under 50. Support declines sharply as educational attainment increases.
15. | PRRI Staff | Public Religion Research Institute | February 2024
Full 50-state report containing detailed demographic tables. It finds relatively similar overall support among white, Black, Hispanic, and multiracial Americans, while AAPI Americans show substantially lower support.
16. | PRRI Staff | Public Religion Research Institute | February 8, 2023
One of PRRI's foundational national studies of Christian nationalism. Americans with high school education or less are about twice as likely to qualify as adherents as Americans with four-year or postgraduate degrees.
17. | PRRI Staff | Public Religion Research Institute | February 8, 2023
Summarizes the foundational PRRI/Brookings survey, including demographic characteristics of Christian-nationalism Adherents, Sympathizers, Skeptics, and Rejecters.
18. | PRRI Staff | Public Religion Research Institute | February 2023
Full survey report includes detailed tables for age, education, racial identity, religious identity, income, party, geography, and other demographic factors.
19. | Pew Research Center | Pew Research Center | October 27, 2022
Finds a large age divide in perceptions of America as a Christian nation. About six in ten adults 65+ said the United States should be a Christian nation compared with roughly one-quarter of adults under 30.
20. | Pew Research Center | Pew Research Center | October 27, 2022
Presents Americans' own definitions of Christian nationalism along with respondents' age and religious background, illustrating generational differences in how the term is understood.
21. | The Washington Post | The Washington Post | September 1, 2022
Uses multiple national and state surveys to examine the demographic and political constituencies receptive to Christian nationalism.
22. | Florida This Week | PBS | July 8, 2022
Discussion of Christian nationalism and attempts to promote a particular Christian interpretation of American history in schools.
Age and Generational Differences
23. | Charles McCrary | Public Religion Research Institute | May 15, 2026
Explores how Americans interpret the label Christian nationalism and why social, religious, political, and demographic location affects reactions to the term.
24. | Yale Youth Poll | Yale University | Spring 2026
Finds only 16% of voters ages 18–34 favor declaring the United States a Christian nation, substantially below the population overall. Young voters are also less likely to say Christianity is necessary to being truly American.
25. | PRRI Staff | Public Religion Research Institute | April 9, 2024
Compares Christian nationalism across generations. About 42% of the Silent Generation and 35% of Baby Boomers qualify as Adherents or Sympathizers compared with 28% of Gen Z and 23% of Millennials.
26. | Pew Research Center | Pew Research Center | March 15, 2024
Examines support for government promotion of Christian values and familiarity with Christian nationalism. Younger adults are substantially more likely than older adults to oppose government promotion of Christianity.
27. | Jennifer Rubin | The Washington Post | February 9, 2023
Reviews PRRI/Brookings findings showing considerably greater Christian-nationalist sympathy among older Americans and those without four-year college degrees.
28. | Yonat Shimron | Religion News Service | January 24, 2023
Bradley Onishi's personal history illustrates how young people can be socialized into Christian-nationalist ideas through evangelical churches, youth ministries, and religious education.
29. | Kathryn Joyce | Religion News Service | December 23, 2022
Investigates homeschooling and curricula that introduce Christian-nationalist interpretations of American history and politics to children and adolescents.
30. | Michelle Boorstein | The Washington Post | October 27, 2022
Reports Pew's large age gap regarding Christian America. The article also highlights racial and denominational divisions among Catholics, Protestants, and non-Christians.
31. | Pew Research Center | Pew Research Center | October 27, 2022
About 63% of Americans age 65+ say America should be a Christian nation compared with only 23% of adults ages 18–29.
32. | Paul A. Djupe, Ryan P. Burge and colleagues | The Washington Post | October 25, 2022
Discusses the older demographic profile of Americans embracing Christian nationalism and considers whether generational replacement could eventually reduce support.
Education and Educational Attainment
33. | Samuel L. Perry | Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion | September 11, 2026
"Cognitive Ability and Christian Nationalism." General Social Survey analyses find cognitive ability negatively associated with believing Christianity is necessary to be truly American and with mandatory Christian prayer and Bible reading in public schools.
34. | David Sikkink and Michael Emerson | Sociology of Religion | November 3, 2025
"The Gathering Storm in the Evangelical Field: Education, Christian Nationalism, and Racial Inequality." Finds educational attainment strongly influences how Christian nationalism shapes evangelical interpretations of racial inequality.
35. | Steven Frye | New Directions for Adult and Continuing Education | June 19, 2025
"Religious Education and White Religious Nationalism." Explores how religious educators might address Christian nationalism and political polarization.
36. | Edith Gnanadass et al. | New Directions for Adult and Continuing Education | June 10, 2025
"White Christian Nationalism and Anti-Racist Praxis." Explores educational approaches centered on anti-racism and pro-Black pedagogy.
37. | Ralf St. Clair | New Directions for Adult and Continuing Education | June 5, 2025
"White Christian Nationalism: Adult Education and Threats to Democracy." Considers adult education as a means of understanding and responding to Christian-nationalist political worldviews.
38. | Andrew L. Whitehead and Samuel L. Perry | Nations and Nationalism | June 3, 2025
"Christian Nationalism and the Vote for Donald Trump in the 2024 Presidential Election." Finds the state-level relationship between Christian nationalism and Trump voting especially strong in states with lower educational attainment.
39. | Joshua B. Grubbs et al. | Public Opinion Quarterly | May 13, 2025
"White or Woke Christian Nationalists? How Race Moderates the Link Between Christian Nationalism and Progressive Identities." Demonstrates that racial identity substantially changes relationships between Christian nationalism and progressive political identification.
40. | Brock Lewis | Discover Education | May 7, 2025
"A Neglected Crisis: Understanding Christian Nationalism's Effects on American Education." Examines Christian-nationalist socialization inside a private Christian school and effects on racial-minority and LGBTQ students.
Introduction to a special issue on White Christian nationalism and contemporary education, including curriculum, educational policy, racial history, school governance, and teacher professionalism.
42. | Esther Prins and Davin Carr-Chellman | New Directions for Adult and Continuing Education | 2025
"Adult Education Confronting White Christian Nationalism." Identifies anti-Black racism as a central theme and examines educational approaches to countering Christian-nationalist ideology.
"White Christian Nationalism in Black Education." Discusses the historical and contemporary effects of white Christian nationalism on Black schooling and educational structures.
44. | Jon Valant | Brookings Institution | September 4, 2024
Examines education proposals through the lens of white Christian nationalism, particularly policies involving race, gender, school choice, curriculum, and protections for minority students.
"White Christian Nationalism, Biblical Proof Texting, and Literacy Curriculum and Instruction." Discusses how Christian-nationalist interpretive practices influence literacy, curriculum, and education.
46. | Religion News Service | Religion News Service | July 8, 2024
Examines Oklahoma's Bible-education mandate and the Christian-nationalist historical claims used to justify introducing biblical material into public-school curricula.
47. | Meghan Whitfield | Review of Education, Pedagogy, and Cultural Studies | May 29, 2024
"Unmasking Southern White Evangelicalism in U.S. History Education." Links white evangelical Christian nationalism with disputes over race, critical race theory, and the teaching of American history.
"Controlling the Past to Control the Future." Finds Christian nationalism the strongest predictor of support for requiring public schools to teach American history in explicitly patriotic ways.
49. | Kevin J. Burke, Mary Juzwik and Esther Prins | Educational Researcher | March 20, 2023
"White Christian Nationalism: What Is It, and Why Does It Matter for Educational Research?" Explains why Christian nationalism is important for understanding contemporary conflicts over public education, race, books, curriculum, and school governance.
50. | Brookings Institution / PRRI | Brookings Institution | February 2023
Expert discussion of Christian nationalism addresses public education, school choice, racial privilege, demographic change, and the attempt to redirect public resources toward religious schooling.
Investigates Christian-nationalist ideas in homeschooling curricula and includes Black former students describing racial narratives presented in conservative Christian educational materials.
52. | Florida This Week | PBS | July 8, 2022
Discussion of Christian nationalism and attempts to promote a particular Christian interpretation of American history in schools.
53. | Joseph O. Baker, Samuel L. Perry and Andrew L. Whitehead | Sociological Forum | August 6, 2020
"Crusading for Moral Authority: Christian Nationalism and Opposition to Science." Shows Christian nationalism predicts skepticism toward contested scientific knowledge after accounting for education and other demographic factors.
54. | Andrew L. Whitehead and Samuel L. Perry | Canadian Review of Sociology | April 30, 2019
"Is a 'Christian America' a More Patriarchal America?" Demonstrates that Christian nationalism is intertwined with traditional social hierarchy and exclusionary attitudes.
Race and Ethnicity
"Religion Is Sometimes Raced: Christian Nationalism as In-Group Protection." Using large samples of white, Black, and Latino Christians, finds that Christian nationalism works similarly across races on many issues but diverges sharply when racial group interests are implicated.
56. | Samuel L. Perry | Sociology of Race and Ethnicity | July 14, 2025
"How Christian Nationalism Promotes White Supremacy: An Examination of Racial Stereotypes." Argues that Christian nationalism primarily elevates white Americans as prototypical Americans rather than simply producing explicit hostility toward minorities.
57. | Allyson Shortle and Michael R. Fisher Jr. | Public Religion Research Institute | August 12, 2025
Examines differences in voting behavior among white, Black, and Hispanic Christian-nationalism supporters and shows that identical religious-nationalist beliefs can have different electoral consequences across racial groups.
58. | Samuel L. Perry and Joshua B. Grubbs | Social Forces | February 23, 2025
"The Religion of White Identity Politics: Christian Nationalism and White Racial Solidarity." Finds Christian nationalism among the strongest predictors of white racial solidarity, while the relationship does not operate similarly among nonwhite respondents.
59. | Anita Huízar-Hernández | Public Religion Research Institute | March 17, 2025
Detailed analysis of Hispanic Americans. Hispanic Protestants show dramatically higher Christian-nationalist identification than Hispanic Catholics or religiously unaffiliated Hispanics.
60. | Authors | Frontiers in Social Psychology | 2024
"Not All Christian Nationalists Are White (and Not All White Christians Are Christian Nationalists)." Uses 2017 and 2021 Baylor Religion Survey data to compare several measurements of Christian nationalism and their demographic predictors. The study shows substantial Black and Hispanic representation among people classified as Christian nationalists and cautions against treating the ideology as synonymous with white Christian identity.
61. | Aleja Hertzler-McCain | Religion News Service | October 18, 2024
Reports a sharp increase in Christian-nationalist beliefs among Hispanic Protestants and discusses religious networks that may help explain the trend.
62. | William Horne | TIME | October 17, 2024
Historical analysis showing how religious nationalism helped legitimate racial hierarchy and segregation during the Jim Crow period.
63. | Author | Religion News Service | September 6, 2024
Contrasts Black Christian political mobilization during the civil-rights era with contemporary white Christian nationalism, emphasizing differing relationships to racial hierarchy and democratic inclusion.
64. | Brooklyn Walker and Donald Haider-Markel | Politics and Religion | June 5, 2024
"A Colorblind Christian Country?" Experimental evidence shows racial primes can increase white respondents' support for Christian nationalism, demonstrating subconscious connections between Christian and white national identity.
65. | Researchers | Ethnic and Racial Studies | 2024
"Intersecting Identities, Diverging Visions." Finds race and gender fundamentally alter Christian nationalism's relationship with preferences for liberty versus equality; Black women display a particularly distinctive pattern.
66. | Samuel L. Perry et al. | The Sociological Quarterly | July 7, 2023
"Our Kind of American: Christian Nationalism, Race, and Contingent Views of Cultural Membership." Finds the political effects of Christian nationalism among white, Black, and Hispanic Americans depend on which racial or immigrant group is considered the out-group.
"Race over Religion: Christian Nationalism and Perceived Threats to National Unity." Tests whether Christian nationalism is more closely linked to racial or religious understandings of national belonging.
68. | Bob Smietana | Religion News Service | March 7, 2023
Historical profile of Gerald L. K. Smith illustrating the connections among Christian nationalism, white racial politics, antisemitism, and conspiracy theories.
69. | Andrew Whitehead and Samuel Perry | TIME | September 2022
Discusses ethno-racial boundaries as a central feature of Christian nationalism and explains why nonwhite and non-Christian Americans may be regarded as less fully belonging to the nation.
70. | Samuel L. Perry and Cyrus Schleifer | Ethnic and Racial Studies | September 1, 2022
"My Country, White or Wrong: Christian Nationalism, Race, and Blind Patriotism." Examines the intersection of race, Christian nationalism, and unconditional patriotic attachment.
71. | Samuel L. Perry, Ryon J. Cobb and Joshua B. Grubbs | Social Forces | November 11, 2021
"Divided by Faith (in Christian America)." Christian nationalism strongly predicts denial of anti-Black racial injustice among white Americans but does not produce the same pattern among Black Americans.
72. | Andrew Whitehead and Samuel Perry | TIME | June 1, 2021
Reviews research linking Christian nationalism with racial hierarchy, voting restrictions, exclusionary definitions of citizenship, and anti-democratic attitudes.
73. | Ruth Braunstein | Religions | January 30, 2021
"The 'Right' History: Religion, Race, and Nostalgic Stories of Christian America." Distinguishes white-Christian and ostensibly colorblind Judeo-Christian narratives of American national identity.
74. | Andrew L. Whitehead and Samuel L. Perry | Oxford University Press | March 19, 2020
"Boundaries." A chapter from Taking America Back for God showing how Christian nationalism reinforces boundaries involving race, ethnicity, immigration, citizenship, and religious minorities.
"God's Country in Black and Blue." Examines how Christian nationalism shapes white and Black Americans' perceptions of police mistreatment of African Americans.
Black Americans and Christian Nationalism
76. | Michael R. Fisher Jr. | Public Religion Research Institute | June 18, 2025
Finds substantial racial differences in how Christian nationalism relates to two measures of authoritarianism among Black, Hispanic, and white respondents.
77. | Ansley Quiros | Public Religion Research Institute | May 14, 2025
Explains why Black Americans can score relatively highly on Christian-nationalism measures while holding political views very different from white Christian nationalists. Religious history and Black theology are central to interpreting the survey results.
78. | Michael R. Fisher Jr. | Public Religion Research Institute | July 3, 2024
Compares Black and white Christian nationalists on immigration, abortion, white supremacy, racial discrimination, Joe Biden, and Donald Trump, finding major political differences.
79. | PRRI Public Fellows | Public Religion Research Institute | 2024
Finds Black Christian nationalists much more supportive of increased government cash assistance for poor Americans than white Christian nationalists, illustrating dramatically different meanings of the ideology across racial groups.
80. | Gabriel R. Sanchez, Keon L. Gilbert and Carly Bennett | Brookings Institution | March 30, 2023
Examines Christian nationalism from the perspective of voters of color and discusses connections between Christian nationalism, white nationalism, racial discrimination, and political representation.
"God's Country in Black and Blue." Examines how Christian nationalism influences perceptions of police treatment of Black Americans.
Hispanic and Latino Americans
82. | Allyson Shortle and Michael R. Fisher Jr. | Public Religion Research Institute | August 12, 2025
Survey experiment compares reactions to Christian-nationalist political rhetoric among white, Black, and Hispanic respondents while controlling candidate race.
83. | Joshua B. Grubbs et al. | Public Opinion Quarterly | May 13, 2025
"White or Woke Christian Nationalists?" Demonstrates that racial identity changes the relationship between Christian nationalism and identification with "progressive" and "woke" political labels.
84. | Anita Huízar-Hernández | Public Religion Research Institute | March 17, 2025
Shows striking differences within the Hispanic population. Hispanic Protestants are much more supportive of Christian nationalism than Hispanic Catholics and religiously unaffiliated Hispanics.
85. | Aleja Hertzler-McCain | Religion News Service | October 18, 2024
Reports rising Christian-nationalist support among Hispanic Protestants and explores transnational charismatic and apostolic religious networks as possible explanations.
Asian American and AAPI Perspectives
86. | Fanhao Nie | Review of Religious Research | 2025
"Internalized Racism? A Study of Christian Nationalism and Perceptions of Asian Hate and White Privilege Among Asians and Asian Americans." Stronger Christian-nationalist beliefs correlate with reduced perceptions of increasing anti-Asian racism.
White Identity and Racial Solidarity
87. | David Smith | The Guardian | October 3, 2026
Robert P. Jones discusses Christian nationalism in the context of declining white Christian demographic dominance and reactions to the growth of racial and religious diversity.
88. | Samuel L. Perry | Sociology of Race and Ethnicity | July 14, 2025
"How Christian Nationalism Promotes White Supremacy." Finds Christian nationalism associated especially strongly with positive stereotypes of white Americans relative to Black and Hispanic Americans.
89. | Samuel L. Perry and Joshua B. Grubbs | Social Forces | February 23, 2025
"The Religion of White Identity Politics." Christian nationalism predicts racial identity salience, racial pride, perceived shared interests, and political racial solidarity specifically among white Americans.
90. | Researchers | Politics, Religion & Ideology | 2025
"Christian Nationalism and Organized White Supremacy." Historical study examines Christian-nationalist rhetoric within British-Israelism and Christian Identity movements between 1949 and 1991.
91. | Philip Bump | The Washington Post | February 29, 2024
State-level comparison finds Christian-nationalist support—especially among white residents—closely aligned with Trump voting. Support is also concentrated among older and less-educated Americans.
Race, Immigration, Policing, and Political Inclusion
"Christian Nationalism, Race, and Contingent Support for Law Enforcement." Survey experiments show that Christian-nationalist support for police varies according to whether law enforcement is perceived as protecting the cultural in-group.
93. | Christopher H. Seto | Sociology of Religion | May 24, 2026
"In God We Trust: Christian Nationalism, Political and Ethno-Racial Identities, and Distrust of Immigrants." Tests whether political and racial identities moderate Christian nationalism's relationship with distrust of immigrants.
94. | PRRI Staff | Public Religion Research Institute | March 30, 2026
Compares white, Black, and Hispanic Christian nationalists' views of immigration, immigrants, ICE, and Trump administration immigration policy.
95. | PRRI Staff | Public Religion Research Institute | 2026
Connects Christian nationalism to competing civic and ethnocultural understandings of American identity, immigration, and racial and religious belonging.
96. | Samuel L. Perry and Joshua B. Grubbs | Politics and Religion | September 19, 2024
Examines Christian nationalism and willingness to support political leaders who violate democratic norms during emergencies.
97. | Joshua T. Davis, Samuel L. Perry and Joshua B. Grubbs | Sociology of Religion | 2024
"Liberty for Us, Limits for Them: Christian Nationalism and Americans' Views on Citizens' Rights." Examines how Christian nationalism shapes willingness to extend civil liberties and citizenship rights to different groups.
98. | Samuel L. Perry and Eric L. McDaniel | Social Science Quarterly | September 27, 2023
"Must Religious Nationalism Divide?" Shows that racial identity moderates relationships between government-supported religion, political solidarity, and willingness to compromise.
99. | Laura Dennen and Paul Djupe | Social Science Quarterly | February 22, 2023
"Are Christian Nationalists Antisemitic and Why?" Examines Christian nationalism, prejudice, social dominance, political identity, and attitudes toward Jewish Americans.
100. | Samuel L. Perry, Andrew L. Whitehead and Joshua B. Grubbs | Sociological Forum | January 3, 2022
"'I Don't Want Everybody to Vote': Christian Nationalism and Restricting Voter Access." Finds Christian nationalism associated with support for voting restrictions, with some effects stronger among white Americans.
"Unchurched Christian Nationalism and the 2016 U.S. Presidential Election." Finds Christian nationalism's relationship with Trump voting especially important among Americans outside regular church attendance.
102. | Andrew L. Whitehead, Landon Schnabel and Samuel L. Perry | Socius | July 23, 2018
"Gun Control in the Crosshairs." Demonstrates that Christian nationalism strongly predicts opposition to stricter gun laws even after demographic and political controls.
Voting, Democracy, and Race
103. | Researcher | Political Behavior | 2025
"'We Should All Be Christian Nationalists': Elite Influence on Identification with Christian Nationalism." Survey experiments show political-elite cues can alter whether Christians explicitly adopt a Christian-nationalist identity.
104. | Samuel L. Perry and Joshua B. Grubbs | Politics and Religion | September 19, 2024
Examines whether Christian nationalism increases willingness to permit leaders to violate democratic norms during perceived national emergencies.
105. | Samuel L. Perry, Andrew L. Whitehead and Joshua B. Grubbs | Sociological Forum | January 3, 2022
"'I Don't Want Everybody to Vote.'" Christian nationalism predicts support for restricting voting access and helps explain attitudes beyond conventional partisan and racial-resentment measures.
Broader Demographic and Political Context
106. | Researchers / The Conversation via Religion News Service | Religion News Service | August 21, 2026
Reports survey research showing that Christian nationalists can profess support for pluralism while perceived threats against Christians sharply reduce tolerance for disliked groups.
107. | Russell Contreras and John Frank | Axios | February 24, 2026
Uses PRRI data to map Christian-nationalist support and discusses the conflict between increasingly diverse populations and a more exclusive religious-national identity.
108. | Russell Contreras et al. | Axios | February 18, 2026
Summarizes PRRI's latest 50-state Christian nationalism data and places demographic patterns within the changing religious and racial composition of the United States.
109. | PRRI Researchers | Public Religion Research Institute | 2026
Qualitative study of Christians organizing against Christian nationalism, including continuing education and community-building efforts across multiple states.
110. | PRRI Staff | Public Religion Research Institute | 2026
Examines competing visions of American identity, including preferences for Christian versus religiously pluralistic America and racially diverse versus Western-European-centered national identity.
111. | Andrew Whitehead and Samuel Perry | TIME | October 2023
Explains the ethno-racial and social-hierarchy dimensions of Christian nationalism through the worldview associated with House Speaker Mike Johnson.
112. | Andrew L. Whitehead and Samuel L. Perry | Oxford University Press | March 19, 2020
Taking America Back for God synthesizes national survey research on who supports Christian nationalism and how race, religion, education, gender, and political identity interact with it.
113. | Andrew L. Whitehead and Samuel L. Perry | Oxford University Press | March 19, 2020
"Introduction: A House Dividing." Defines Christian nationalism, explains its measurement, and distinguishes it from ordinary religious commitment and political conservatism.
114. | Andrew L. Whitehead and Samuel L. Perry | Oxford University Press | March 19, 2020
"Power." Examines political behavior, immigration, refugees, guns, Trump support, and other outcomes associated with Christian nationalism.
115. | Andrew L. Whitehead and Samuel L. Perry | Oxford University Press | March 19, 2020
"Boundaries." Especially useful for understanding race, ethnicity, immigration, citizenship, and religious exclusion within Christian-nationalist ideology.
