Christian Nationalism and Nonreligious Americans
Christian Nationalism and Nonreligious Americans
Christian nationalism has significant implications for Americans who identify as atheist, agnostic, humanist, secular or religiously unaffiliated. Research collected on this subject portrays Christian nationalism not simply as personal Christian belief or ordinary religious participation, but as a cultural and political framework that links Christianity with American national identity, legitimate citizenship, morality and political authority.
For nonreligious Americans, the central issue is therefore not disagreement with Christianity itself. It is whether Christianity should receive privileged status in defining who belongs in the nation, whose moral values government should promote and which religious ideas should influence law, education and public institutions.
The source material consistently shows that atheists, agnostics and other religiously unaffiliated Americans are among the groups most skeptical of Christian nationalism. They are also especially supportive of church-state separation and resistant to government promotion of Christianity.
At the same time, research on anti-atheist prejudice shows that nonreligious Americans can encounter cultural barriers extending far beyond formal religious policy. Associations between religion, morality, trustworthiness and American identity have historically placed atheists in a particularly vulnerable position within American social life.
Christian Nationalism, Atheism and National Belonging
One of the strongest themes in the research is the relationship between Christian nationalism and attitudes toward atheists. Studies find that stronger adherence to Christian-nationalist ideas is associated with more negative attitudes toward atheists and greater reluctance to include them fully within conceptions of American public life.
This relationship reflects a broader feature of Christian nationalism: the tendency to connect Christian identity with authentic American identity. When Christianity becomes an implicit qualification for national belonging, citizens who openly reject religion can be treated not merely as people with different theological beliefs but as cultural outsiders.
Long-running research on atheism in the United States provides important context. Studies of American moral boundaries have found that atheists have historically occupied an unusually marginalized position in public perceptions of morality, trustworthiness and national belonging.
Distrust is particularly important. Experimental and survey research has repeatedly found that many Americans associate religious belief with moral behavior and therefore regard atheists with suspicion. Christian-nationalist rhetoric can reinforce these assumptions when Christianity is presented as the moral foundation upon which American society depends.
Research also suggests that anti-atheist attitudes can function as a form of group identity signaling. Expressions of distrust or hostility toward atheists may communicate membership in a strongly religious social community, further strengthening boundaries between religious insiders and secular outsiders.
Atheists, Agnostics and Religious Nones
The United States has developed a large and diverse religiously unaffiliated population. This group includes atheists, agnostics and people who describe their religion as "nothing in particular."
These populations should not be treated as interchangeable. Some religiously unaffiliated Americans retain spiritual beliefs or believe in God while rejecting organized religious affiliation. Others identify explicitly as atheist or agnostic.
Despite this internal diversity, religiously unaffiliated Americans generally show much greater resistance to Christian nationalism than many Christian constituencies.
Recent polling in the source material finds particularly strong opposition among atheists and agnostics. Large majorities oppose government establishment of Christianity or government promotion of specifically Christian moral values.
Atheists and agnostics also express exceptionally strong support for government enforcement of church-state separation. The broader religiously unaffiliated population likewise favors separation at considerably higher rates than many strongly religious groups.
The political disagreements extend to the role of scripture in government. Majorities of religiously unaffiliated Americans reject the proposition that the Bible should influence American law, with opposition especially strong among atheists and agnostics.
These patterns demonstrate that disputes surrounding Christian nationalism involve fundamentally different understandings of American government. Christian-nationalist approaches often emphasize the country's Christian heritage and the public authority of Christian moral traditions. Nonreligious Americans generally favor a constitutional framework in which government remains neutral toward competing religious and nonreligious worldviews.
Anti-Atheist Prejudice and Social Exclusion
The experiences of nonreligious Americans cannot be understood solely through debates about constitutional law.
Research summarized in the source material documents social stigma involving family relationships, workplaces, schools, communities and public institutions. Nonreligious Americans may feel pressure to conceal their beliefs or present themselves as religious to avoid social consequences.
The U.S. Secular Survey documented negative experiences among nonreligious respondents involving family members, education and employment. Respondents living in highly religious communities reported substantially greater difficulties than those living in less religious environments.
These experiences are particularly important in understanding Christian nationalism because cultural dominance can operate without explicit government discrimination. If Christianity is treated socially as an indicator of morality, patriotism or trustworthy citizenship, openly nonreligious people may experience exclusion even where their formal legal rights remain protected.
The evidence also demonstrates that nonreligious Americans are not a socially homogeneous population. Experiences can differ substantially according to race, gender, sexual orientation, age, geography and community religiosity.
Black atheists, LGBTQ nonreligious Americans, nonreligious women and secular young people may experience overlapping pressures arising from multiple identities and from policies justified through conservative religious frameworks.
Church-State Separation and Freedom of Conscience
Church-state separation is one of the clearest areas of disagreement between Christian nationalism and nonreligious Americans.
For secular Americans, government religious neutrality protects more than atheism. It establishes the principle that individuals rather than government determine whether they will practice a religion, change religions or practice no religion at all.
The source material repeatedly distinguishes between religious freedom and religious privilege. Religious freedom protects Christians, members of minority religions and nonbelievers under the same constitutional framework. Religious privilege occurs when government favors one religious tradition or grants political authority to its doctrines.
From this perspective, freedom of religion necessarily includes freedom from government-imposed religion.
This distinction has become increasingly important in debates over public education, government prayer, religious displays, religious exemptions and federal religious-liberty initiatives.
Organizations defending church-state separation argue that policies presented as protecting religion can become discriminatory when they primarily expand the institutional influence of conservative Christianity while failing to provide equivalent protection for people with different beliefs or no religious beliefs.
Public Schools and Nonreligious Families
Public schools have become one of the most visible arenas in which these conflicts occur.
The source collection documents numerous legal disputes involving state requirements for Ten Commandments displays, Bible-related curriculum, religious instruction and other forms of government-sponsored religious activity.
Nonreligious families frequently participate in these challenges alongside Jewish, Hindu, Muslim, Unitarian Universalist, Christian and other religious families.
Their objections generally emphasize two constitutional principles. First, public schools serve students from many religious traditions as well as students without religious beliefs. Second, government should not pressure children to accept, participate in or display allegiance to a state-preferred religious tradition.
Mandatory Ten Commandments displays illustrate the conflict especially clearly. Supporters often describe such displays as recognition of American history or moral heritage. Opponents argue that permanently placing scriptural commandments in classrooms communicates official endorsement of specific religious doctrine.
For nonreligious students, such policies can create the impression that full membership in the school community—and by extension the nation—is connected with acceptance of religious belief.
The broader debate extends beyond religious displays. Christian-nationalist involvement in education has been connected in the source material with curriculum disputes, book restrictions, parental-rights campaigns, Bible-centered educational standards and released-time religious programs.
Government Religious Messaging and Christian Privilege
Another recurring concern is the use of government institutions to communicate explicitly Christian messages.
The source material discusses national prayer events, religious proclamations, government-sponsored Bible activities, Christian worship connected with federal agencies and statements by public officials portraying Christianity as foundational to American political identity.
Critics argue that government officials remain free to practice and express their own religious beliefs but should not use governmental authority to imply that Christianity enjoys preferred political status.
This distinction becomes especially important for citizens who do not believe in God. When political leaders repeatedly describe religious faith as essential to morality, patriotism or public leadership, nonreligious citizens may reasonably perceive that their citizenship is regarded as incomplete.
Federal initiatives addressing alleged anti-Christian discrimination have generated similar controversies. Critics in the source material contend that programs designed to protect Christians can become vehicles for Christian privilege when they treat the interests of one religious community as synonymous with religious freedom itself.
Political Representation of Nonreligious Americans
Nonreligious Americans have historically faced unusual obstacles in electoral politics.
Research on atheist political candidates finds that openly atheist candidates continue to experience an electoral disadvantage. Perceptions of morality and trustworthiness remain important components of this penalty.
The disadvantage is not uniform across the electorate. Partisanship strongly affects voters' willingness to support nonreligious candidates, and political attitudes toward atheism have changed as the religiously unaffiliated population has grown.
The increased visibility of secular political organizations reflects these demographic changes. Humanist, atheist and church-state organizations have increasingly sought representation in Congress, state governments and national political debates.
The Congressional Freethought Caucus and secular political gatherings represent attempts to establish greater public legitimacy for Americans who do not identify with a religion.
These developments challenge a longstanding assumption that successful American political leadership requires public religiosity.
Christian Nationalism, Democracy and Political Tolerance
The relationship between Christian nationalism and nonreligious Americans ultimately raises broader questions about democratic citizenship.
A pluralistic democracy requires citizens with profoundly different beliefs to possess equal political rights. Religious majorities may advocate policies informed by their convictions, just as secular citizens may advocate policies informed by theirs. The democratic question is whether government itself declares one identity to be more authentically American than another.
Research on political tolerance finds that Christian nationalism can narrow willingness to extend civil liberties to disliked or culturally distant groups. Perceptions that Christianity is under threat may intensify these attitudes even among people who otherwise express abstract support for religious pluralism.
Atheists are particularly important in political-tolerance research because they represent a population historically viewed with suspicion by many religious Americans.
A democratic system therefore faces an important test: whether freedom of conscience protects unpopular beliefs and nonbelief as fully as it protects majority religious traditions.
The source material also connects Christian nationalism with debates over authoritarianism, political violence, election denial and the January 6, 2021 attack on the U.S. Capitol.
These concerns extend beyond the treatment of nonreligious Americans. They raise the question of whether political legitimacy belongs equally to citizens regardless of religion or whether political authority should be grounded in a preferred religious identity.
Secularism, Civil Religion and Competing Visions of America
The conflict is not simply a choice between Christianity and atheism.
Several competing models of religion in American public life appear throughout the research.
Christian nationalism links the nation explicitly with Christianity and frequently treats Christian heritage as central to political identity.
Liberal secularism emphasizes governmental neutrality toward both religion and nonreligion.
Civil religion occupies an intermediate position, drawing upon broad religious or quasi-religious language about national purpose without necessarily establishing a particular denomination or theology.
These competing frameworks help explain why Americans can agree that religion has played an important role in national history while strongly disagreeing about whether Christianity should receive contemporary political preference.
Many religious opponents of Christian nationalism share concerns expressed by atheists and secular Americans. Christian, Jewish and other faith-based organizations frequently participate alongside secular groups in litigation and advocacy defending church-state separation.
Opposition to Christian nationalism therefore should not automatically be interpreted as opposition to Christianity. Much resistance comes from religious Americans who believe government establishment of Christianity threatens religion itself by transforming faith into an instrument of political power.
The Growth of the Nonreligious Population
The political significance of these debates has increased because religiously unaffiliated Americans now constitute a major portion of the population.
Research summarized in the source collection places the unaffiliated population at roughly three in ten American adults in recent surveys.
The group has grown substantially over recent decades, although recent evidence suggests that the rapid decline of Christian identification may have slowed or stabilized.
This demographic transformation creates an increasingly pluralistic religious environment. Christianity remains the country's largest religious tradition, but it exists alongside a large population that does not identify with organized religion.
As a result, political models based on an assumed Christian national consensus increasingly conflict with the demographic reality of contemporary America.
The expanding nonreligious population also makes questions of equal citizenship more politically consequential. Policies that once might have been perceived as harmless expressions of majority religious culture now affect tens of millions of citizens who do not share those beliefs.
Freedom of Religion and Freedom From Religion
Debates involving Christian nationalism frequently reveal different interpretations of religious liberty.
One interpretation emphasizes protection for religious individuals and institutions from government interference.
A broader freedom-of-conscience interpretation maintains that the same constitutional protections must apply to belief and nonbelief alike.
Under this view, an atheist's decision not to worship deserves the same constitutional protection as a Christian's decision to attend church.
A government neutral toward religion does not require religious citizens to abandon their beliefs in public life. Rather, it prevents the state from deciding which theological beliefs citizens should accept.
This principle explains why coalitions defending church-state separation frequently contain both devoutly religious and openly nonreligious participants.
Their shared interest is not theological agreement but preservation of a political system in which government lacks authority to impose theological conformity.
Conclusion
The collected research portrays the relationship between Christian nationalism and nonreligious Americans as a question of belonging, equality and political power rather than merely a disagreement about religion.
Christian nationalism often connects Christianity with morality, national identity and legitimate American citizenship. Research indicates that stronger adherence to these ideas is associated with more negative attitudes toward atheists and narrower understandings of who belongs fully within American public life.
Atheists, agnostics and other religiously unaffiliated Americans consequently rank among the strongest opponents of Christian nationalism. Large majorities support church-state separation, oppose government establishment of Christianity and reject government efforts to impose specifically Christian moral or biblical standards.
The effects extend beyond public opinion. Nonreligious Americans report social stigma and discrimination in families, workplaces, educational institutions, communities and public life. Public-school religious mandates, government religious messaging and policies perceived as granting Christianity special political standing have therefore become particularly important areas of concern.
At the same time, the source material demonstrates that resistance to Christian nationalism is not exclusively secular. Religious and nonreligious Americans frequently cooperate in defense of church-state separation, freedom of conscience and pluralistic democracy.
The central democratic question is ultimately whether American citizenship depends upon religious identity. A pluralistic constitutional system treats Christians, members of minority religions, atheists, agnostics and other nonreligious citizens as possessing the same political standing. From that perspective, religious liberty is strongest not when government privileges Christianity, secularism or any competing worldview, but when government protects the freedom of every person to believe—or not believe—according to conscience.
Christian Nationalism and Nonreligious Americans — Categorized, Deduplicated, Reverse Chronological
Anti-Atheist Prejudice, Tolerance and National Belonging
1. Christian Nationalists' Professed Support for Religious Pluralism Is Often Drowned Out by Perceptions That Christians Are Under Threat [Source | University of Tennessee Department of Political Science | September 10, 2026]
Explains experimental research concerning Christian nationalism, perceived threat, and political tolerance toward groups including atheists.
2. Partisanship and Openness to Nonreligious Candidates for Elective Office in the United States [Source | Ewa Golebiowska | Politics and Religion | September 10, 2026]
Finds that atheists remain disadvantaged as political candidates, but attitudes differ dramatically by party. Democrats are substantially more willing than Republicans to support nonreligious candidates.
3. Christian Nationalists' Professed Support for Religious Pluralism Is Often Drowned Out by Perceptions That Christians Are Under Threat [Source | Brooklyn Walker and Paul Djupe | Religion News Service | August 21, 2026]
Reports research showing that abstract support for religious pluralism among Christian nationalists can diminish sharply when Christianity is framed as threatened.
4. Americans' Views of Religion in Public Life: The Effect of Three Cultural Models on Attitudes Toward Religious and Nonreligious Groups [Source | David Sikkink and Greg Wurm | Social Science Research | August 2026]
Examines Christian nationalism, civil religion, and liberal secularism. Christian nationalism is associated with opposition to atheists and several religious minorities participating fully in American public life.
5. | David Sikkink and Greg Wurm | Social Science Research | August 2026
Christian nationalism is associated with greater opposition to atheists and several religious minorities occupying a legitimate place in American public life. The study contrasts Christian nationalism with civil religion and liberal secularism.
Examines political tolerance toward atheists and cautions against interpreting church attendance as inherently producing greater tolerance once Christian nationalism and related religious variables are considered.
7. The Weakness of Anti-Christian Nationalism: When Religiously Inclusive Orientations Can't Increase Tolerance [Source | Paul Djupe et al. | Politics and Religion | March 2026]
Finds that Christian nationalism can override commitments to pluralism when adherents perceive Christianity as threatened. Atheists were among the groups used to measure willingness to extend equal civil liberties to disliked groups.
8. | Paul A. Djupe et al. | Politics and Religion | 2026
Finds that perceptions of Christian persecution can overpower otherwise pluralistic orientations, decreasing tolerance toward disliked groups such as atheists.
9. | Authors | Defence and Peace Economics | 2026
Examines Christian nationalism, apocalypticism, outgroup hostility and violent extremism. The study describes nonreligious Americans as among those Christian-nationalist ideology may define as outside authentic national identity.
10. Interfaith Prejudice in the United States: The Role of Social Identity Complexity [Source | Veronica N. Z. Bergstrom and Alison L. Chasteen | Review of Religious Research | 2026]
Examines mutual prejudice between Christians and atheists and tests whether more complex social identities can reduce intergroup hostility.
11. Christian Nationalism and Perceptions of National Belonging [Source | Sociology of Religion Research | Various Authors | 2018–2026]
Research repeatedly links Christian-nationalist beliefs with narrower definitions of who qualifies as authentically American.
12. | Paul A. Djupe et al. | Religion in Public | June 26, 2025
Discusses research investigating apparent links between worship attendance and acceptance of atheists, demonstrating the importance of Christian nationalism in understanding religious intolerance.
13. Tell Me You're Religious Without Saying You're Religious: An Identity-Signaling Account of Prejudice Against Atheists [Source | Joshua T. Lambert, Charlotte Kinrade, Danielle E. Wahlers, Braden Hall and William Hart | Self and Identity | March 31, 2025]
Five studies find that anti-atheist attitudes can function as signals of religious identity. Strongly identified Christians were particularly responsive when prejudice against atheists communicated Christian group membership.
14. Will Americans Vote for an Atheist? [Source | David E. Campbell | Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion | September 12, 2024]
Examines whether America's secularization has reduced the longstanding electoral penalty associated with openly atheist political candidates.
15. In God We Distrust: Christian Nationalism and Anti-Atheist Attitude [Source | Fanhao Nie | Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion | 2024]
Higher individual adherence to Christian nationalism is associated with more negative attitudes toward atheists. The study uses nationally representative multilevel data and identifies Christian nationalism as an important source of anti-atheist prejudice.
Examines Christian nationalism and perceptions of racial and religious diversity as threats to national unity.
17. The Tolerance of the Despised: Atheists, the Non-Religious, and the Value of Pluralism [Source | Charles Devellennes and Paul Matthew Loveless | International Political Science Review | February 25, 2022]
Examines tolerance among atheists and nonreligious people and finds particularly strong relationships between nonreligion, pluralism, and tolerance.
18. Christian Nationalism and Political Tolerance [Source | Joshua T. Davis and Samuel L. Perry | Social Problems | 2021]
Examines how Christian nationalism shapes willingness to tolerate political and cultural groups perceived as violating Christian-national conceptions of society.
19. | Joshua T. Davis and Samuel L. Perry | Social Problems | March 20, 2020
Shows that white Christian nationalism is associated with unequal political tolerance toward different ideological outgroups, including anti-religionists.
20. Taking America Back for God: Christian Nationalism in the United States [Source | Andrew L. Whitehead and Samuel L. Perry | Oxford University Press | 2020]
Major empirical examination of Christian nationalism showing how the ideology structures perceptions of who legitimately belongs in American society.
21. Christian Nationalism and Social Boundaries [Source | Andrew L. Whitehead and Samuel L. Perry | Oxford University Press | 2020]
Shows that Christian nationalism functions partly by constructing symbolic boundaries around authentic American identity.
22. | Jack Delehanty, Penny Edgell and Evan Stewart | Social Forces | March 2019
Examines evangelical-influenced conceptions of American belonging and public religion, including how these cultural boundaries affect people outside conservative Christianity.
23. Religious Nationalism and Political Tolerance [Source | Political Science Research Literature | Various Authors | 2010s–2020s]
Studies of religious nationalism frequently find stronger boundaries between favored religious communities and ideological outsiders.
24. | Joshua T. Davis | Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion | June 2018
Finds that Christian nationalism predicts punitive and authoritarian attitudes and a stronger desire for social conformity, relevant to populations whose beliefs fall outside Christian-majoritarian norms.
25. Improving the Electability of Atheists in the United States: A Preliminary Examination [Source | Andrew S. Franks | Politics and Religion | May 10, 2017]
Experiments find that information demonstrating an atheist candidate's morality, values, and popularity can reduce—but not eliminate—the political disadvantage associated with atheism.
26. Atheists and Other Cultural Outsiders: Moral Boundaries and the Non-Religious in the United States [Source | Penny Edgell et al. | Social Forces | 2016]
Revisits Americans' attitudes toward atheists and finds continuing cultural boundaries surrounding atheism, citizenship, morality, and American identity.
27. | Allyson F. Shortle and Ronald Keith Gaddie | Politics and Religion | June 19, 2015
Demonstrates how religious nationalism establishes boundaries around legitimate American identity, useful for comparison with the exclusion experienced by atheists and other non-Christian populations.
28. Measuring Political Tolerance and General Support for Pro-Civil Liberties Policies [Source | James L. Gibson | Public Opinion Quarterly | 2013]
Examines willingness to protect the civil liberties of unpopular groups, including atheists and people opposed to religion.
29. Do You Believe in Atheists? Distrust Is Central to Anti-Atheist Prejudice [Source | Will M. Gervais et al. | Journal of Personality and Social Psychology | 2011]
Finds distrust to be central to prejudice against atheists. The research helps explain why Christian-nationalist appeals linking religion with morality may disadvantage openly nonreligious Americans.
30. Atheists as "Other": Moral Boundaries and Cultural Membership in American Society [Source | Penny Edgell, Joseph Gerteis and Douglas Hartmann | American Sociological Review | April 2006]
Landmark study finding that atheists occupied an unusually marginalized position in Americans' conceptions of national belonging and morality.
31. Political Intolerance in America [Source | James L. Gibson | American Journal of Political Science | Various Studies]
Provides foundational research for understanding whether Americans extend free-speech and political rights to disliked ideological and religious groups.
32. Religious Context and Political Tolerance [Source | Various Researchers | Social Science Research Literature | Various Dates]
Research indicates that religious context can influence willingness to grant civil liberties to religious and nonreligious minorities.
33. Religious Identity and Outgroup Tolerance [Source | Political Psychology Literature | Various Authors | Various Dates]
Research demonstrates that strongly exclusive religious identity can affect attitudes toward atheists, Muslims, and other perceived outgroups.
34. Religion, National Identity and Exclusion [Source | Sociology and Political Science Literature | Various Authors | Various Dates]
Provides theoretical context for understanding why joining religion and nationality can disadvantage citizens who possess no religious identity.
Religious Nones: Demographics, Beliefs and Public Attitudes
35. Black Nonreligious Americans [Source | American Atheists | U.S. Secular Survey Special Report | 2020s]
Examines intersecting racial and nonreligious identities and documents distinctive forms of stigma experienced by Black atheists and other secular Americans.
36. LGBTQ Nonreligious Americans [Source | American Atheists | U.S. Secular Survey Special Report | 2020s]
Explores the experiences of people whose secular and LGBTQ identities can both place them in conflict with Christian-nationalist social policies.
37. Nonreligious Women in America [Source | American Atheists | U.S. Secular Survey Special Report | 2020s]
Examines how gender and nonreligious identity intersect, particularly regarding reproductive rights and religiously based public policy.
38. Nonreligious Youth in America [Source | American Atheists | U.S. Secular Survey Special Report | 2020s]
Documents family, educational, and social challenges facing young atheists, agnostics, humanists, and other nonreligious people.
39. How Americans Feel About Religion's Influence in Government and Public Life [Source | Pew Research Center | May 14, 2026]
Provides extensive current data on Christian nationalism, government promotion of religion, church-state separation, and the opinions of atheists, agnostics, and religiously unaffiliated Americans.
40. Views of Christian Nationalism by Religious Affiliation [Source | Pew Research Center | May 14, 2026]
Finds atheists especially hostile to Christian nationalism: 80 percent expressed an unfavorable view, compared with 69 percent of agnostics and 48 percent of religiously unaffiliated Americans overall.
41. Government Promotion of Christian Moral Values [Source | Pew Research Center | May 14, 2026]
Finds 83 percent of atheists and 79 percent of agnostics oppose both establishment of Christianity and government promotion of Christian moral values.
42. Religiously Unaffiliated Americans and Christian Government [Source | Pew Research Center | May 14, 2026]
Sixty-five percent of religiously unaffiliated adults say government should neither establish Christianity nor promote Christian moral values.
43. Atheists and Church-State Separation [Source | Pew Research Center | May 14, 2026]
Ninety-one percent of atheists favor federal enforcement of separation between church and state.
44. Agnostics and Church-State Separation [Source | Pew Research Center | May 14, 2026]
Eighty-nine percent of agnostics favor government enforcement of church-state separation.
45. Religiously Unaffiliated Americans and Church-State Separation [Source | Pew Research Center | May 14, 2026]
Sixty-nine percent of religiously unaffiliated Americans favor government enforcement of church-state separation.
46. Conservative Christians' Influence on Government [Source | Pew Research Center | May 14, 2026]
Finds very large majorities of atheists and other religiously unaffiliated Americans believe conservative Christians have pushed religious values too far into government and schools.
47. Familiarity With Christian Nationalism [Source | Pew Research Center | May 14, 2026]
Finds atheists and agnostics considerably more familiar with the term "Christian nationalism" than many Christian groups.
48. Who Are Religiously Unaffiliated Americans? [Source | PRRI Staff | April 15, 2026]
Reports that approximately 28 percent of Americans are religiously unaffiliated and provides demographic and political characteristics of the group.
49. 2025 PRRI Census of American Religion [Source | PRRI | April 2026]
Provides updated estimates of America's religiously unaffiliated population and its political and demographic profile.
50. A Profile of Religiously Unaffiliated Americans [Source | PRRI | April 2026]
Finds unaffiliated Americans younger and more politically liberal than many major Christian populations.
51. Mapping Christian Nationalism Across the 50 States [Source | PRRI | February 17, 2026]
Provides state-level measures of Christian-nationalist adherents, sympathizers, skeptics, and rejecters.
52. Religious Change in America [Source | PRRI Census of American Religion | 2026]
Documents the continuing importance of unaffiliated Americans in a country where Christian numerical dominance has declined.
53. Reports and Data on Nonreligious Americans [Source | American Atheists | Reports & Data | 2026]
Collects research concerning discrimination, Christian nationalism, state policy, and the experiences of secular Americans.
54. State of the Secular States [Source | American Atheists | Annual Report | 2026]
Evaluates state laws affecting church-state separation, religious privilege, bodily autonomy, education, and equality for nonreligious residents.
55. State of the Secular States — Christian Nationalism [Source | American Atheists | Policy Analysis | 2026]
Tracks legislation identified by American Atheists as part of coordinated Christian-nationalist policy campaigns across state governments.
56. Decline of Christianity in the U.S. Has Slowed, May Have Leveled Off [Source | Pew Research Center | February 26, 2025]
Reports that 29 percent of American adults are religiously unaffiliated, including atheists, agnostics, and those identifying with no religion in particular.
57. 2023-24 Religious Landscape Study [Source | Pew Research Center | February 26, 2025]
Provides extensive demographic and political information about the growing nonreligious population affected by debates over Christian national identity.
58. | Pew Research Center | Pew Research Center | February 26, 2025
Reports that approximately three in ten American adults are religiously unaffiliated, making nonreligious Americans a major constituency in debates over national religious identity.
59. Resistance to Christian Nationalism in All 50 States [Source | PRRI and Meanings of Democracy Lab | October 30, 2024]
Finds roughly seven in ten Americans qualify as Christian-nationalism skeptics or rejecters and examines resistance across religious groups.
60. Christianity's Place in Politics and Christian Nationalism [Source | Chip Rotolo, Gregory A. Smith and Jonathan Evans | Pew Research Center | March 15, 2024]
Documents major divisions between religiously unaffiliated Americans and conservative Christians over Bible-based law, Christian government, and public policy.
61. Atheists and Government Promotion of Christianity [Source | Pew Research Center | March 15, 2024]
Ninety percent of atheists said government should neither establish Christianity nor promote Christian moral values.
62. The Bible's Influence on U.S. Law [Source | Pew Research Center | March 15, 2024]
Eighty percent of religiously unaffiliated adults said the Bible should not influence U.S. law.
63. Atheists and Biblical Law [Source | Pew Research Center | March 15, 2024]
Eighty-four percent of atheists said the Bible should have no influence at all on U.S. laws.
64. Agnostics and Biblical Law [Source | Pew Research Center | March 15, 2024]
Seventy-eight percent of agnostics said the Bible should have no influence on American law.
65. 8 in 10 Americans Say Religion Is Losing Influence in Public Life [Source | Pew Research Center | March 15, 2024]
Finds religiously unaffiliated Americans particularly concerned about conservative Christian attempts to influence government and public schools.
66. Support for Christian Nationalism in All 50 States [Source | PRRI | February 28, 2024]
Maps Christian-nationalist ideology across states and demographic categories, including religious affiliation.
67. Religious Nones in America: Who They Are and What They Believe [Source | Pew Research Center | January 24, 2024]
Detailed profile of atheists, agnostics, and Americans identifying with no particular religion.
68. Who Are the Nones? How Are They Defined? [Source | Pew Research Center | January 24, 2024]
Defines religious "nones" as atheists, agnostics, and people whose religion is "nothing in particular."
69. Why Are Nones Nonreligious? [Source | Pew Research Center | January 24, 2024]
Finds questioning religious teachings and disbelief in God among the leading reasons Americans identify as nonreligious.
70. How Do Religious Nones View Science? [Source | Pew Research Center | January 24, 2024]
Examines the relationship between secular identity, scientific reasoning, and attitudes toward religion.
71. Morality Among Religious Nones [Source | Pew Research Center | January 24, 2024]
Shows that most unaffiliated Americans reject the proposition that belief in God is necessary for morality.
72. Spirituality Among Religious Nones [Source | Pew Research Center | January 24, 2024]
Demonstrates that the unaffiliated population includes substantial internal diversity rather than constituting a single ideological group.
73. | Gregory A. Smith et al. | Pew Research Center | January 24, 2024
Comprehensive national study of atheists, agnostics and Americans identifying with no religion in particular.
74. | Pew Research Center | Pew Research Center | January 24, 2024
Defines America's religiously unaffiliated population and distinguishes atheists, agnostics and people identifying as nothing in particular.
75. | Pew Research Center | Pew Research Center | January 24, 2024
Examines why Americans become or remain nonreligious, including skepticism toward religious teachings and negative experiences with religious organizations.
76. | Pew Research Center | Pew Research Center | January 24, 2024
Finds that atheists and agnostics are often about as politically and civically engaged as religious Americans, challenging stereotypes of nonreligious citizens as socially disengaged.
77. | Pew Research Center | Pew Research Center | January 24, 2024
Demonstrates the diversity of belief within the religiously unaffiliated population and cautions against treating all nones as atheists.
78. | Pew Research Center | Pew Research Center | January 24, 2024
Finds substantial spiritual belief and practice among Americans who nevertheless reject formal religious affiliation.
79. | Pew Research Center | Pew Research Center | January 24, 2024
Finds that only a minority of religious nones hold consistently hostile views toward religion, countering portrayals of secular Americans as uniformly anti-religious.
80. | Gregory A. Smith and Alan Cooperman | Pew Research Center | January 24, 2024
Examines the long-term growth and recent stabilization of America's religiously unaffiliated population.
81. Christian Nationalism Across All 50 States [Source | PRRI American Values Atlas | 2024]
Shows substantial regional differences in support for Christian-nationalist ideas.
82. Christian Nationalism and Religious Affiliation [Source | PRRI | 2024]
Finds the religiously unaffiliated among the groups least likely to qualify as Christian-nationalist adherents or sympathizers.
83. Christian Nationalism Rejecters [Source | PRRI | 2024]
Religiously unaffiliated Americans constitute an important portion of the population rejecting statements used to measure Christian nationalism.
84. Christian Nationalism Skeptics [Source | PRRI | 2024]
Examines Americans who reject or question the claim that Christianity should have privileged standing in American national life.
85. Christian Nationalism and American Democracy [Source | PRRI | 2024]
Explores relationships between Christian nationalism, democratic attitudes, political violence, and authoritarianism.
86. Christian Nationalism and Political Violence [Source | PRRI | 2024]
Finds correlations between stronger Christian-nationalist views and openness to authoritarian and antidemocratic political ideas.
87. Christian Nationalism and the 2024 Election [Source | PRRI American Values Survey | 2024]
Examines Christian nationalism as part of Americans' political identity and voting behavior.
88. The 2024 American Values Survey [Source | PRRI | 2024]
Provides evidence on religion, democracy, authoritarian attitudes, political violence, and Christian nationalism.
89. The 2023 American Values Atlas [Source | PRRI | 2024]
Large national dataset used to examine Christian-nationalist support and resistance by state and demographic group.
90. Views of the U.S. as a Christian Nation and Opinions About Christian Nationalism [Source | Pew Research Center | October 27, 2022]
Finds atheists and agnostics among the Americans most likely to express unfavorable attitudes toward Christian nationalism.
91. Atheists' Views of Christian Nationalism [Source | Pew Research Center | October 27, 2022]
Seventy-four percent of atheists familiar with the term expressed an unfavorable view of Christian nationalism.
92. Agnostics' Views of Christian Nationalism [Source | Pew Research Center | October 27, 2022]
Fifty-six percent of agnostics expressed unfavorable views of Christian nationalism.
93. Who Are the Americans Who Say the U.S. Should Be a Christian Nation? [Source | Patricia Tevington | Pew Research Center | October 27, 2022]
Shows that religiously unaffiliated Americans constitute a large portion of those opposing the idea that America should be a Christian nation.
94. Americans Who Oppose Christian Nationhood [Source | Pew Research Center | October 27, 2022]
Forty-six percent of people saying America should not be a Christian nation were religiously unaffiliated.
95. In Their Own Words: How Americans Describe Christian Nationalism [Source | Pew Research Center | October 27, 2022]
Records Americans describing Christian nationalism as the institutionalization of Christianity, theocracy, religious privilege, and exclusion of non-Christians.
96. Reality Check: Being Nonreligious in America [Source | American Atheists | U.S. Secular Survey | 2020]
Largest dedicated survey of nonreligious Americans found widespread experiences of stigma and discrimination in families, workplaces, education, and public institutions.
97. U.S. Secular Survey Executive Summary [Source | American Atheists | U.S. Secular Survey | 2020]
Nearly half of participants reported sometimes or frequently feeling pressure to conceal their nonreligious identity or pretend to be religious.
98. Nonreligious Americans and Family Rejection [Source | American Atheists | U.S. Secular Survey | 2020]
More than half of respondents reported negative experiences with family members related to their nonreligious identity.
99. Nonreligious Americans and Educational Discrimination [Source | American Atheists | U.S. Secular Survey | 2020]
Nearly three in ten respondents reported negative experiences in education resulting from their nonreligious identity.
100. Nonreligious Americans and Workplace Discrimination [Source | American Atheists | U.S. Secular Survey | 2020]
More than one fifth of respondents reported negative experiences at work associated with being nonreligious.
101. Community Religiosity and Discrimination Against Nonreligious Americans [Source | American Atheists | U.S. Secular Survey | 2020]
Nonreligious people living in highly religious communities reported substantially more discrimination than those living in less religious areas.
102. Nonreligious Americans in Public Services [Source | American Atheists | U.S. Secular Survey | 2020]
Respondents in highly religious communities reported elevated negative experiences involving voting, jury service, government agencies, and other public institutions.
103. Nonreligious Servicemembers and Veterans [Source | American Atheists | U.S. Secular Survey | 2020]
Nearly half of surveyed nonreligious military personnel and veterans reported negative experiences related to their nonreligious identity during military service.
104. Why America's Nones Don't Identify With a Religion [Source | Pew Research Center | August 8, 2018]
Nearly half cited churches' positions on social and political issues as an important reason for leaving organized religion.
105. America's Changing Religious Identity [Source | Daniel Cox and Robert P. Jones | PRRI | September 2017]
Documents the long-term rise of atheists, agnostics, secular Americans, and the religiously unattached.
106. Atheists, Agnostics, Seculars, and the Religiously Unattached [Source | PRRI | 2017]
Shows that the unaffiliated include several distinct secular and nonreligious populations rather than one homogeneous group.
107. | Pew Research Center | Pew Research Center | October 9, 2012
Early large-scale analysis of the political and social views of America's growing unaffiliated population.
108. 2012 Pre-Election American Values Survey [Source | PRRI | October 2012]
Provides an early detailed examination of secular Americans, unattached believers, atheists, and agnostics.
109. Understanding Religiously Unaffiliated Americans [Source | PRRI | 2012]
Divides unaffiliated Americans into secular, unattached-believer, atheist, and agnostic subgroups and examines their political outlooks.
Nonreligious Political Identity and Organization
110. | Andrew L. Seidel | Americans United | October 1, 2026
Huffman discusses the growth of Christian nationalism, his humanist identity and efforts to defend secular democratic government.
111. | Ray Kirstein | Religion News Service | September 12, 2026
Interview with Congressional Freethought Caucus co-founder Jared Huffman about secular government, Christian nationalism and political representation for nonbelievers.
112. | Freedom From Religion Foundation | Freedom From Religion Foundation | August 27, 2026
Presents student perspectives on the connections between white supremacy and Christian nationalism.
113. | American Humanist Association | American Humanist Association | July 23, 2026
Reports on secular leaders and members of Congress gathering to promote reason, constitutional democracy and greater visibility for nonreligious Americans.
114. Secular Leaders Gather on Capitol Hill to Champion Reason and Constitutional Democracy [Source | American Humanist Association | July 23, 2026]
Secular advocates and lawmakers gathered to increase political representation of nonreligious Americans and defend constitutional secularism.
115. | Freedom From Religion Foundation | Freedom From Religion Foundation | July 22, 2026
Describes the Congressional Reason Reception as a secular alternative to the National Prayer Breakfast and a response to Christian nationalism and government religious privilege.
116. | Freedom From Religion Foundation | Freedom From Religion Foundation | 2026
Includes an essay competition inviting nonbelievers to document why the United States is not constitutionally a Christian nation.
117. The 2025 Census of American Religion [Source | Public Religion Research Institute | 2026]
Provides updated state and national estimates of religious affiliation and the growing secular population.
118. | American Humanist Association | American Humanist Association | September 30, 2025
Humanist organization supports a congressional resolution defending church-state separation and opposing Christian nationalism.
119. | Freedom From Religion Foundation | Freedom From Religion Foundation | September 3, 2025
Collects student essays addressing how white Christian nationalism threatens individual rights and civil liberties.
120. Religious Identity in the United States [Source | Pew Research Center | February 26, 2025]
Finds 29 percent of Americans religiously unaffiliated, including approximately 5 percent atheists, 6 percent agnostics, and 19 percent identifying with no religion in particular.
121. The Rise of the Religiously Unaffiliated [Source | Pew Research Center | Religious Landscape Study | 2025]
Shows that the unaffiliated share of Americans rose substantially from 2007 through the 2020s.
122. Generational Change and Religious Nonaffiliation [Source | Pew Research Center | Religious Landscape Study | 2025]
Younger generations contain substantially larger shares of religiously unaffiliated Americans than older generations.
123. Religious Switching and the Growth of the Nones [Source | Pew Research Center | Religious Landscape Study | 2025]
Documents movement away from organized Christianity as a central driver of America's changing religious composition.
124. America's Changing Religious Landscape [Source | Pew Research Center | Religious Landscape Studies | 2007–2025]
Provides long-term demographic evidence showing declining Christian affiliation alongside the growth of the religiously unaffiliated.
125. White Christian Evangelicals Voted for Trump, While Atheists and Nones Rejected Him [Source | Freedom From Religion Foundation | November 11, 2024]
Analysis of exit polling reports a major electoral divide between white evangelical Christians and religiously unaffiliated voters.
126. Rep. Huffman Exposes House Speaker's Christian Nationalism [Source | Freedom From Religion Foundation | February 15, 2024]
Congressional Freethought Caucus co-founder Jared Huffman discusses the implications of Christian-nationalist beliefs among powerful federal officials.
127. Are Nones Less Involved in Civic Life? [Source | Pew Research Center | January 24, 2024]
Finds atheists and agnostics roughly as engaged in several forms of political and civic activity as religiously affiliated Americans.
128. Are Nones Hostile Toward Religion? [Source | Pew Research Center | January 24, 2024]
Finds most religiously unaffiliated Americans do not express uniformly hostile attitudes toward religion, challenging stereotypes about secular citizens.
129. | Philip Gorski | American Atheists, State of the Secular States | 2024
Explains the growth of white Christian nationalism and its effort to define Christianity as a prerequisite for authentic American belonging.
130. Stem the Tide of White Christian Nationalism [Source | Freedom From Religion Foundation | June 15, 2023]
National advertising campaign urged secular Americans to organize politically in defense of pluralistic democracy and church-state separation.
131. I'm an Atheist and I Vote, Proclaims Ex-Mormon in Salt Lake City Ads [Source | Freedom From Religion Foundation | September 16, 2022]
Highlights a secular Utah voter campaigning for separation between religion, government, and public policy.
132. Rhode Island Atheist on Providence Billboard as Part of Secular Campaign [Source | Freedom From Religion Foundation | September 15, 2022]
Features a nonreligious voter arguing that church-state separation is threatened by Christian nationalism.
133. Missouri Atheist on Jefferson City Billboard as Part of Secular Campaign [Source | Freedom From Religion Foundation | September 15, 2022]
Highlights nonreligious political activism in a highly religious state and concerns about Christian-nationalist influence.
134. We're Atheists and We Vote [Source | Freedom From Religion Foundation | September 14, 2022]
National campaign sought greater political recognition for millions of nonreligious Americans and explicitly identified Christian nationalism as a threat to secular government.
135. We're Atheists and We Vote, Say Proud Arkansans [Source | Freedom From Religion Foundation | September 14, 2022]
Arkansas secular voters connect political participation with opposition to Christian nationalism and religious intrusion into government.
136. | Freedom From Religion Foundation | Freedom From Religion Foundation | 2022
National campaign highlights atheists, agnostics and humanists concerned about Christian nationalism and religiously motivated erosion of individual rights.
137. The Politics of Religious Nones [Source | Philip Schwadel | Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion | 2020]
Finds considerable political diversity among atheists, agnostics, and people identifying as nothing in particular, with atheists and agnostics generally more politically engaged.
138. Nones on the Rise [Source | Pew Research Center | October 9, 2012]
Early landmark report documenting the rapid growth of Americans reporting no religious affiliation.
139. Congressional Freethought Caucus [Source | Members of the U.S. House of Representatives | Congressional Caucus | Ongoing]
Congressional caucus represents atheists, humanists, religious minorities, and religious supporters of secular government while defending church-state separation.
Church-State Separation, Religious Freedom and Constitutional Equality
140. The Supreme Court and the Separation of Church and State [Source | Americans United for Separation of Church and State | Legal Analysis | 2020s]
Tracks judicial changes that secular advocates argue increasingly privilege religious institutions and claims.
141. | Rani Balakrishna | Americans United | August 25, 2026
Emphasizes that Christian-nationalist challenges to church-state separation occur at local and state levels as well as in federal government.
142. | Brooklyn Walker and Paul Djupe | Religion News Service | August 21, 2026
Finds perceived threats to Christianity can reduce Christian nationalists' tolerance for disliked groups, including atheists.
143. Under Direct Assault: Christian Nationalists Condemn Freedom of Religion [Source | Liz Hayes | Americans United for Separation of Church and State | August 3, 2026]
Examines conflict between Christian-nationalist interpretations of American history and an inclusive understanding of religious liberty.
144. | Liz Hayes | Church & State | August 3, 2026
Examines competing understandings of religious liberty during America's 250th anniversary and argues for equal freedom for people of all religions and none.
145. No Surprises: Religious Liberty Commission Draft Report Advances Christian Nationalism [Source | Alessandro Terenzoni | Americans United for Separation of Church and State | July 2, 2026]
Argues that a federal religious-liberty initiative redefines religious freedom in ways that privilege conservative Christian political priorities.
146. Reclaiming the Promise: Why the 250th Anniversary Belongs to Religious Freedom, Not Christian Nationalism [Source | David Morris | Americans United for Separation of Church and State | July 1, 2026]
Rejects the contention that the United States was created as a Christian state and defends freedom of conscience for believers and nonbelievers.
147. | David Morris | Americans United | July 1, 2026
Argues that America's constitutional tradition protects every individual's decision about whether, when and how to practice religion rather than establishing Christian national identity.
148. | Adriyanna R. Andrèus | Church & State | June 1, 2026
Describes a coalition of religious and nonreligious Americans organizing against Christian nationalism and in support of pluralistic democracy.
149. Belonging Should Not Be Determined by Belief [Source | Mehar Thakur | Americans United for Separation of Church and State | May 5, 2026]
Argues that American belonging should not depend upon conformity to a dominant religious identity.
150. Excerpts From The Founding Myth: Why Christian Nationalism Is Un-American [Source | Andrew L. Seidel | Americans United for Separation of Church and State | May 1, 2026]
Challenges historical claims that American political rights derive from Christianity and argues for the secular constitutional tradition.
151. | Andrew L. Seidel | Americans United | May 1, 2026
Challenges the historical claim that American rights and government derive from Christianity and presents the secular constitutional case against Christian nationalism.
152. Religious Privilege Is Not Religious Freedom [Source | Baptist Joint Committee for Religious Liberty | April 30, 2026]
Distinguishes universal freedom of conscience from government policies that give preferential treatment to a particular religious tradition.
153. | Freedom From Religion Foundation | Freedom From Religion Foundation | January 6, 2026
Revisits evidence concerning Christian nationalism and January 6, arguing that religiously justified political domination threatens pluralistic democracy and the equal citizenship of Americans regardless of belief.
154. Religious Liberty Commission [Source | Americans United for Separation of Church and State | 2026]
Notes that the commission lacked representatives of nonreligious Americans while promoting a Judeo-Christian interpretation of American national identity.
155. How We Protect Religious Freedom in America [Source | Americans United for Separation of Church and State | 2026]
Emphasizes that religious freedom protects the right to believe as well as the right not to believe.
156. | Americans United for Separation of Church and State | Americans United | 2026
States explicitly that Christian nationalism threatens religious minorities and nonreligious Americans by attempting to privilege conservative Christianity through government.
157. | Americans United for Separation of Church and State | Americans United | 2026
Examines how claims of religious liberty can be used to justify discrimination against women, LGBTQ+ people, religious minorities and nonreligious people.
158. State of the Secular States — Religious Exemptions [Source | American Atheists | Policy Report | 2026]
Examines state laws granting religious entities exemptions from nondiscrimination, health-care, education, and other generally applicable requirements.
159. Religious Liberty in the States 2026 [Source | First Liberty Institute | 2026]
Provides a contrasting conservative legal perspective that ranks states according to legal protections and exemptions offered to religious individuals and organizations.
160. | Freedom From Religion Foundation | Freedom From Religion Foundation | November 14, 2025
Examines exclusionary forms of Christian nationalism in which Jews and other non-Christians are portrayed as outside legitimate Western or American civilization.
161. | Bruce Gourley | Church & State | October 1, 2025
Examines demographic, generational and gender changes connected with Christian nationalism and declining religious affiliation.
162. | Adriyanna R. Andrèus | Americans United | August 21, 2025
Discusses Christian nationalism as an ideology seeking political control over communities outside dominant religious and social traditions.
163. | Andrew L. Seidel | Church & State | June 2, 2025
Uses religious diversity to demonstrate how government adoption of one conservative Christian interpretation can impose sectarian doctrine on believers and nonbelievers alike.
164. | Pew Research Center | Pew Research Center | May 20, 2025
Measures public perceptions of discrimination against atheists and religious groups, providing context for anti-atheist prejudice and religious privilege.
165. | Pew Research Center | Pew Research Center | February 26, 2025
Examines Americans' opinions regarding Christian nationhood, public-school prayer, government religious displays and church-state separation.
166. | Liz Hayes | Church & State | February 3, 2025
Reviews concerns that government Christian-nationalist policies undermine equal citizenship and church-state separation.
167. The Shadow Network Behind Project 2025 [Source | Americans United for Separation of Church and State | 2024]
Argues that Christian-nationalist policy networks threaten equality for religious minorities and nonreligious Americans by converting religious freedom into Christian privilege.
168. | Americans United for Separation of Church and State | Americans United | 2024
Maps organizations associated with Project 2025 and argues that Christian-nationalist policy threatens equality for religious minorities and the nonreligious.
169. | Pew Research Center | Pew Research Center | October 27, 2022
Finds religiously unaffiliated Americans particularly likely to believe religious institutions have too much influence in politics.
170. Kennedy v. Bremerton School District [Source | Supreme Court of the United States | June 27, 2022]
Expanded protections for religious expression by a public-school football coach and formally abandoned the longstanding Lemon Establishment Clause test.
171. Carson v. Makin [Source | Supreme Court of the United States | June 21, 2022]
Held that Maine could not exclude religious schools from a generally available tuition-assistance program.
172. Shurtleff v. City of Boston [Source | Supreme Court of the United States | May 2, 2022]
Held that Boston violated free-speech protections when it refused to allow a Christian flag in a program that had effectively become an open public forum.
173. | Pew Research Center | Pew Research Center | October 28, 2021
Finds virtually no support for church-state integration among atheists and agnostics, with 96 percent classified as church-state separationists.
174. Espinoza v. Montana Department of Revenue [Source | Supreme Court of the United States | June 30, 2020]
Held that a state providing private-school aid generally cannot exclude schools solely because of their religious status.
175. The Power Worshippers: A Conversation With Katherine Stewart [Source | Americans United for Separation of Church and State | 2020]
Discusses Christian-nationalist efforts to reinterpret religious liberty as special political privilege for conservative Christianity.
176. Religious Liberty and the Roberts Court [Source | Constitutional Law Scholarship | Multiple Authors | 2010s–2020s]
Legal scholars document a substantial shift toward stronger Free Exercise protections and weaker traditional Establishment Clause restrictions.
177. Trinity Lutheran Church v. Comer [Source | Supreme Court of the United States | June 26, 2017]
Held that excluding a church from a generally available public benefit because of religious status violated the Free Exercise Clause.
178. | Pew Research Center | Pew Research Center | November 3, 2015
Finds atheists and other unaffiliated Americans especially concerned that religious organizations are overly involved with politics and institutional power.
179. Town of Greece v. Galloway [Source | Supreme Court of the United States | 2014]
Upheld legislative prayer under historical-practice reasoning, while highlighting continuing disputes over the treatment of atheists and religious minorities at government meetings.
180. McCreary County v. ACLU of Kentucky [Source | Supreme Court of the United States | 2005]
Held that government Ten Commandments displays motivated by a religious purpose violated the Establishment Clause.
181. Santa Fe Independent School District v. Doe [Source | Supreme Court of the United States | 2000]
Struck down school-sponsored student prayer at public high-school football games.
182. Lee v. Weisman [Source | Supreme Court of the United States | 1992]
Held that clergy-led prayer at a public-school graduation unconstitutionally subjected students to religious coercion.
183. Wallace v. Jaffree [Source | Supreme Court of the United States | 1985]
Invalidated an Alabama school-prayer statute enacted for the purpose of returning prayer to public schools.
184. Epperson v. Arkansas [Source | Supreme Court of the United States | 1968]
Invalidated a state prohibition on teaching evolution because government may not tailor public education to particular religious doctrine.
185. Abington School District v. Schempp [Source | Supreme Court of the United States | 1963]
Struck down mandatory Bible readings and school-sponsored devotional exercises in public schools.
186. Engel v. Vitale [Source | Supreme Court of the United States | 1962]
Held that government-composed prayer in public schools violates the Establishment Clause even when participation is nominally voluntary.
187. Torcaso v. Watkins [Source | Supreme Court of the United States | 1961]
Supreme Court unanimously struck down Maryland's requirement that public officials declare belief in God, establishing an important protection for atheist officeholders.
188. Everson v. Board of Education [Source | Supreme Court of the United States | 1947]
Incorporated the Establishment Clause against state governments and articulated a broad constitutional principle against establishment of religion.
Public Schools and Christian Nationalism
189. U.S. Supreme Court Mulls Ten Commandments Case [Source | Reuters | September 29, 2026]
Describes the national constitutional dispute over Texas' requirement that the Ten Commandments appear in public classrooms.
190. We Dissent Episode Delves Into Christian Nationalism in Schools [Source | Freedom From Religion Foundation | September 17, 2026]
Examines Christian-nationalist strategies involving curriculum, book bans, religious programs, parental-rights campaigns, and public-school governance.
191. | Freedom From Religion Foundation | Freedom From Religion Foundation | September 17, 2026
Examines Christian-nationalist tactics involving curriculum control, book bans, released-time religious programs and parental-rights campaigns.
192. Secular Groups Seek Records From Tennessee School Districts About Ten Commandments Plans [Source | Freedom From Religion Foundation | August 21, 2026]
Secular and civil-liberties organizations investigated school districts considering prominent Ten Commandments displays.
193. Texas Families Urge U.S. Supreme Court to Take Case on Texas Law Requiring Ten Commandments in Public School Classrooms [Source | American Civil Liberties Union | August 17, 2026]
More than two dozen Christian, Jewish, Hindu, Baha'i, Unitarian Universalist, and nonreligious families challenged mandatory Ten Commandments displays.
194. Texas Families Urge Supreme Court to Hear Ten Commandments Law Challenge [Source | Freedom From Religion Foundation | August 17, 2026]
Describes nonreligious families' challenge to state-mandated Protestant Ten Commandments displays in public schools.
195. | Americans United | Church & State | August 2026
Includes reporting on Bible-centered public-school standards and other Christian-nationalist education policies.
196. | Freedom From Religion Foundation | Freethought Radio | August 2026
Includes programs addressing Bible-centered public-school curricula, Ten Commandments mandates and Christian nationalism from a secular perspective.
197. Texas State School Board Approves Mandated Reading List Including Bible Passages [Source | Reuters | June 26, 2026]
Reports controversy over the increasing incorporation of explicitly biblical material into state-mandated public-school education.
198. Multifaith Texas Families Condemn Fifth Circuit Decision Upholding Mandatory Display of Ten Commandments [Source | American Civil Liberties Union | April 21, 2026]
Highlights concerns that government-required scriptural displays undermine the religious freedom of nonreligious as well as religious students.
199. Court Permanently Blocks Arkansas Public School Ten Commandments Law [Source | Freedom From Religion Foundation | March 16, 2026]
Court ruled that compulsory displays would violate Establishment Clause and Free Exercise rights of public-school children and parents.
200. Fifth Circuit: Too Soon to Rule on Constitutionality of Louisiana Ten Commandments Law [Source | American Civil Liberties Union | February 20, 2026]
Addresses continuing litigation over government-mandated religious scripture in public classrooms.
201. FFRF and Allies Disappointed in Fifth Circuit Ruling on Louisiana Ten Commandments Law [Source | Freedom From Religion Foundation | February 20, 2026]
Explains the constitutional concerns of families who do not share the state's preferred religious beliefs.
202. | Americans United | Americans United | 2026
Collection of reporting and litigation concerning public schools, Christian nationalism, religious instruction and government-sponsored religious activity.
203. Federal Court Blocks Arkansas School District From Posting Ten Commandments [Source | Freedom From Religion Foundation | October 27, 2025]
Court intervention reinforced the right of families rather than government to determine children's religious upbringing.
204. | Freedom From Religion Foundation | Freedom From Religion Foundation | September 30, 2025
Argues that proposals to inject Christianity into public schools privilege religion rather than protecting equal freedom of conscience.
205. | Americans United | Americans United | September 29, 2025
Criticizes a federal Religious Liberty Commission hearing for promoting Christian-nationalist approaches to public education.
206. Texas Families File New Lawsuit to Stop Public School Districts From Displaying Ten Commandments [Source | American Civil Liberties Union | September 22, 2025]
Fifteen multifaith and nonreligious families brought another challenge to compulsory Ten Commandments displays.
207. FFRF Helps Texas Families File New Suit to Stop Districts From Displaying Ten Commandments [Source | Freedom From Religion Foundation | September 22, 2025]
Describes the participation of nonreligious families in litigation over state-sponsored religious messages.
208. Judge Orders Conway Schools to Remove Ten Commandments After Lawsuit [Source | Freedom From Religion Foundation | August 29, 2025]
Federal litigation challenged government promotion of Protestant scripture in public-school classrooms.
209. | Rob Boston | Americans United | August 18, 2025
Describes public education as a major battleground over Christian nationalism and argues that secular public schools protect students from religious coercion.
210. Court Blocks Arkansas Law Requiring Ten Commandments in Every Public School [Source | Freedom From Religion Foundation | August 5, 2025]
Plaintiffs included multifaith and nonreligious Arkansas families concerned about government-imposed religious doctrine.
211. Groups Warn Arkansas Schools Not to Implement Judicially Blocked Ten Commandments Law [Source | FFRF, ACLU and Americans United | August 5, 2025]
Civil-liberties groups warned districts that constitutional protections apply to religious and nonreligious students alike.
212. | Mish Quan | Americans United | July 9, 2025
Examines Christian-nationalist influence on education, inclusive curricula and political narratives in public schools.
213. Texas Families Sue to Block Law Requiring Ten Commandments in Every Public-School Classroom [Source | American Civil Liberties Union | July 2, 2025]
Sixteen multifaith and nonreligious families challenged Texas' law requiring religious displays in every classroom.
214. Texas Families Sue to Block Ten Commandments Law [Source | Freedom From Religion Foundation | July 2, 2025]
Nonreligious plaintiffs argued that mandated biblical displays violate both church-state separation and freedom of conscience.
215. Federal Appeals Court Rules Against Louisiana Law Requiring Ten Commandments Displays [Source | Freedom From Religion Foundation | June 20, 2025]
A federal appeals court initially concluded that compulsory Protestant Ten Commandments displays violated the Establishment Clause.
216. | Rob Boston | Americans United | June 17, 2025
Reviews lawsuits challenging government religious favoritism, including cases involving public property and taxpayer-funded religious activity.
217. Arkansas Families Sue to Block Law Mandating Ten Commandments in Public Schools [Source | Freedom From Religion Foundation | June 11, 2025]
Nonreligious families argued that permanent scriptural displays would send a message that students outside the favored faith do not fully belong.
218. | Rob Boston | Americans United | March 24, 2025
Demonstrates that religious policies promoted as simply "Christian" privilege particular theological interpretations while excluding both non-Christians and many Christians.
Federal Government, Religious Privilege and Official Religious Messaging
219. A Christian Nation? Understanding the Threat of Christian Nationalism to American Democracy and Culture [Source | Baptist Joint Committee for Religious Liberty | Educational Resources | 2020s]
Explains why Christian nationalism differs from Christianity and why privileging Christian citizenship threatens religious freedom for everyone.
220. Christian Nationalism and American Democracy [Source | Brookings Institution and PRRI-related Scholarship | Various Authors | 2020s]
Examines the relationship between Christian-nationalist identity, democratic norms, political polarization, and exclusion.
221. | Freedom From Religion Foundation | Freedom From Religion Foundation | July 15, 2026
Contrasts universal freedom to believe or reject religion with policies granting religious organizations exemptions from generally applicable laws.
222. | Alessandro Terenzoni | Americans United | July 2, 2026
Critiques the Religious Liberty Commission's draft report as promoting Christian-nationalist narratives rather than equal rights for religious and nonreligious Americans.
223. | American Humanist Association | American Humanist Association | June 29, 2026
Humanist analysis argues that federal religious-liberty proposals would weaken First Amendment protections and create pathways for Christian privilege.
224. | Americans United | Church & State | June 1, 2026
Examines the history of the National Day of Prayer and its relationship with conservative Christian political activism.
225. | Freedom From Religion Foundation | Freedom From Religion Foundation | May 18, 2026
Reports on the government-associated National Mall prayer event and criticism of its Christian-nationalist message.
226. | Freedom From Religion Foundation | Freedom From Religion Foundation | May 14, 2026
Describes a coalition of nonreligious and progressive Christian groups protesting government entanglement with Christian-nationalist worship.
227. | Freedom From Religion Foundation | Freedom From Religion Foundation | May 12, 2026
Documents federal officials promoting an explicitly Christian worship and prayer gathering on the National Mall.
228. | Americans United | Americans United | May 7, 2026
Argues that government should protect people's freedom to pray or not pray rather than direct citizens toward religious observance.
229. | Americans United | Americans United | April 30, 2026
Criticizes the federal Anti-Christian Bias Task Force and argues that the government should not elevate one religious identity above others or nonreligion.
230. | Freedom From Religion Foundation | Freedom From Religion Foundation | April 20, 2026
Criticizes official promotion of Bible-reading events and the conflation of biblical faith with American national identity.
231. | Freedom From Religion Foundation | Freedom From Religion Foundation | April 15, 2026
Reports criticism of commission witnesses challenging church-state separation and promoting greater religious involvement in government and public education.
232. | Americans United | Americans United | April 6, 2026
Argues that explicitly religious government social-media messages improperly use public resources to promote Christian belief.
233. | Freedom From Religion Foundation | Freedom From Religion Foundation | February 9, 2026
Criticizes the commission for approaching religious liberty through what FFRF describes as a narrow sectarian framework.
234. | Freedom From Religion Foundation | Freedom From Religion Foundation | February 5, 2026
Argues that official participation in sectarian prayer can communicate that religious belief is connected to legitimate citizenship and political leadership.
235. | Freedom From Religion Foundation | Freedom From Religion Foundation | September 11, 2025
Argues that federal agencies should serve religious and nonreligious Americans equally rather than sponsor sectarian worship.
236. | Freedom From Religion Foundation | Freedom From Religion Foundation | September 10, 2025
Objects to official government statements describing Christian faith as fundamental to American freedom and argues such rhetoric excludes millions of non-Christian and nonreligious citizens.
237. | Americans United | Americans United | June 16, 2025
Reports that the federal commission's first meeting promoted the claim that the United States was founded for Christians and should favor Christian beliefs.
238. | Americans United | Americans United | May 1, 2025
Argues that genuine religious freedom requires legal equality between religion and nonreligion and criticizes the commission's conservative Christian composition.
239. | Freedom From Religion Foundation | Freedom From Religion Foundation | April 23, 2025
Describes the Anti-Christian Bias Task Force as an attempt to provide Christianity preferential treatment within federal government.
240. | Freedom From Religion Foundation | Freedom From Religion Foundation | April 15, 2025
Examines official Holy Week messaging promising federal defense of Christianity in schools, workplaces, hospitals, the military and government.
241. American Idolatry [Source | Andrew L. Whitehead | Brazos Press | 2023]
Examines power, fear, and violence within Christian nationalism and contrasts them with alternative Christian approaches to pluralism.
242. Christian Nationalism and the January 6 Insurrection [Source | Baptist Joint Committee for Religious Liberty and Freedom From Religion Foundation | February 9, 2022]
Major investigative report documents Christian symbols, rhetoric, leaders, and networks surrounding the January 6 attack on the Capitol.
243. The Flag and the Cross [Source | Philip S. Gorski and Samuel L. Perry | Oxford University Press | 2022]
Explains white Christian nationalism as a fusion of religious, racial, and national identity with important consequences for democratic inclusion.
244. Taking America Back for God [Source | Andrew L. Whitehead and Samuel L. Perry | Oxford University Press | 2020]
Defines Christian nationalism as a cultural framework linking Christianity and American civic identity rather than simply a measure of personal religious devotion.
245. Statement of Christians Against Christian Nationalism [Source | Baptist Joint Committee for Religious Liberty | 2019]
States that people of every faith and no faith have equal standing in American civic life.
246. Christians Against Christian Nationalism [Source | Baptist Joint Committee for Religious Liberty | National Campaign | 2019–present]
Christian leaders affirm that Christianity should not receive government privilege and that national belonging must not depend on religious belief.
Military and Government Institutions
247. | Guardian Opinion | The Guardian | October 3, 2026
Examines concerns about expanding Christian-nationalist influence within the Defense Department and the constitutional implications of government religious activity.
248. | Freedom From Religion Foundation | Freedom From Religion Foundation | September 28, 2026
Documents explicit connections among Christian faith, elections, government service and political power at a major evangelical political gathering.
249. | Americans United | Americans United | September 21, 2026
Criticizes cabinet officials for framing federal responsibilities in explicitly biblical terms.
250. | Freedom From Religion Foundation | Freedom From Religion Foundation | July 7, 2026
Discusses the merging of biblical scripture, patriotic documents and political branding in the "God Bless the USA Bible."
251. | Freedom From Religion Foundation | Freedom From Religion Foundation | May 14, 2026
Reviews polling showing continued majority support for church-state separation despite increased visibility of Christian-nationalist political campaigns.
252. | Freedom From Religion Foundation | Freedom From Religion Foundation | March 3, 2026
Raises concerns about apocalyptic Christian theology influencing military and foreign-policy decision making in a constitutionally secular government.
253. | Freedom From Religion Foundation | Freedom From Religion Foundation | February 17, 2026
Challenges the idea that Christian faith or ancestry defines Western or American civilization and highlights the exclusionary implications for nonreligious citizens.
254. | Freedom From Religion Foundation | Freedom From Religion Foundation | February 12, 2026
Reports on members of Congress participating in a gathering portraying American politics as Christian spiritual warfare.
255. | Freedom From Religion Foundation | Freedom From Religion Foundation | August 11, 2025
Examines the growing Washington influence of theologian Doug Wilson and Christian political ideas favoring explicitly Christian social governance.
256. | Freedom From Religion Foundation | Freedom From Religion Foundation | May 22, 2025
Criticizes official Christian worship inside the Pentagon and raises concerns about religious coercion affecting non-Christian and nonreligious military personnel.
Christian Nationalism, Democracy and Secular Citizenship
257. | Robert P. Jones interview | The Guardian | October 3, 2026
Discusses Christian nationalism, demographic religious change and authoritarian politics, including the political reaction to declining white Christian cultural dominance.
258. Christian Nationalism Takes Center Stage at Pray Vote Stand Summit [Source | Freedom From Religion Foundation | September 28, 2026]
Documents political and religious leaders openly linking Christian political power with elections, government service, and public policy.
259. FFRF Dissects Trump's "250 Victories for People of Faith" [Source | Freedom From Religion Foundation | September 24, 2026]
Argues that many initiatives presented as religious-liberty victories instead advance religion through government and privilege Christian interests.
260. FFRF Calls First Liberty's Religious Liberty Index a Christian Nationalism Scorecard [Source | Freedom From Religion Foundation | July 15, 2026]
Argues that measures presented as religious-liberty protections may prioritize religious exemptions and privileges rather than equal freedom of conscience.
261. | Samuel Goldman | The Washington Post | July 10, 2026
Presents a contrasting argument proposing American civil religion as an alternative to both Christian nationalism and strict secularism.
262. Trump-Backed Christian Nationalist Rally Falls Flat on National Mall [Source | Freedom From Religion Foundation | May 18, 2026]
Reports on a national prayer event promoted by federal officials and Christian-nationalist activists.
263. FFRF Rebukes Trump Cabinet Officials Pushing D.C. Christian Nationalist Rally [Source | Freedom From Religion Foundation | May 12, 2026]
Raises concerns over cabinet officials using public office to encourage participation in explicitly Christian religious programming.
264. Freedom 250 Prayer Rally Is Christian Nationalist Pseudohistory [Source | Freedom From Religion Foundation | May 5, 2026]
Criticizes government-associated Christian worship surrounding America's 250th anniversary and the presentation of America as a nation dedicated to God.
265. Trump Uses National Prayer Breakfast to Push Christian Nationalist Agenda [Source | Freedom From Religion Foundation | February 5, 2026]
Criticizes government officials' participation in sectarian religious events as implying that faith is connected to legitimate citizenship and political leadership.
266. Trump Twists Religious Freedom Day Proclamation Into Christian Nationalist Manifesto [Source | Freedom From Religion Foundation | January 27, 2026]
Contrasts Christian-nationalist rhetoric with the Virginia Statute for Religious Freedom's protection of freedom of conscience for believers and nonbelievers.
267. FFRF Emphasizes Christian Nationalism's Threat to Democracy on Insurrection Anniversary [Source | Freedom From Religion Foundation | January 6, 2026]
Reviews evidence linking Christian-nationalist ideas to efforts to overturn the 2020 election and to broader challenges to pluralistic democracy.
268. | Philip Gorski | Yale Center for Faith & Culture | 2026
Discusses how Christian identity can operate as cultural and national identity even among people who are not conventionally religious.
269. | Mark Silk and Rhys H. Williams, eds. | Routledge | 2026
Collection examining Christian nationalism alongside civil religion, political religion and progressive religious discourse.
270. | Authors | Political Behavior | 2025
Studies how elite endorsement can increase identification with Christian nationalism and reviews evidence connecting the ideology with exclusionary views toward religious minorities.
271. | Authors | Public Opinion Quarterly | 2025
Explores how race affects the meaning and political consequences of Christian-nationalist identification.
272. Money, Lies, and God [Source | Katherine Stewart | Bloomsbury | 2025]
Examines networks connecting Christian nationalism, antidemocratic politics, wealthy donors, and conservative political organizations.
273. | Corwin E. Smidt | Religions | November 10, 2024
Compares Christian nationalism, civic republicanism and radical secularism as competing models for religion's relationship with contemporary American politics.
274. The Violent Take It by Force [Source | Matthew D. Taylor | Broadleaf Books | 2024]
Examines the New Apostolic Reformation, spiritual warfare, and charismatic Christian networks involved in Christian-nationalist politics.
275. Bad Faith [Source | Stephen Ujlaki and Christopher Jacob Jones | Documentary Film | 2024]
Investigates the history and organizational infrastructure of Christian nationalism and its pursuit of political power.
276. The Kingdom, the Power, and the Glory [Source | Tim Alberta | Harper | 2023]
Examines evangelical political radicalization and the fusion of Christian identity with partisan national politics.
277. Preparing for War [Source | Bradley Onishi | Broadleaf Books | 2023]
Former evangelical minister analyzes white Christian nationalism and its relationship to political conflict and January 6.
278. Christian Nationalism and the January 6, 2021 Insurrection [Source | Baptist Joint Committee for Religious Liberty and Freedom From Religion Foundation | February 2022]
Comprehensive report documenting the symbols, organizations, leaders, rhetoric, and theology through which Christian nationalism helped legitimize and intensify the January 6 attack. The report is useful for understanding the wider democratic implications of defining legitimate American identity in explicitly Christian terms.
279. American Crusade: How the Supreme Court Is Weaponizing Religious Freedom [Source | Andrew L. Seidel | Union Square | 2022]
Argues that changes in Supreme Court religious-liberty doctrine increasingly provide government and legal advantages to conservative religious claims.
280. | Samuel Stroope et al. | Sociological Forum | February 21, 2021
Finds Christian nationalism particularly associated with Trump support among people who do not regularly attend church, demonstrating that Christian nationalism is not simply equivalent to conventional religiosity.
281. | Andrew L. Whitehead and Samuel L. Perry | Oxford University Press | 2020
Foundational empirical work explaining Christian nationalism as a cultural framework that defines political membership, morality and authentic American identity.
282. The Power Worshippers [Source | Katherine Stewart | Bloomsbury | 2020]
Investigates organizations and political networks seeking to expand conservative Christian influence over government institutions.
283. The Power Worshippers and Secular Democracy [Source | Katherine Stewart | Investigative Reporting and Book Research | 2020]
Documents coordinated efforts to transform public institutions according to conservative Christian political priorities.
284. The Founding Myth: Why Christian Nationalism Is Un-American [Source | Andrew L. Seidel | Sterling | 2019]
Challenges claims that American law and constitutional government were founded upon biblical or specifically Christian principles.
285. The Immoral Majority [Source | Ben Howe | Broadside Books | 2019]
Critiques the political alliance between conservative evangelical leaders and Donald Trump and its implications for religious credibility and national politics.
286. | Freedom From Religion Foundation and Baptist Joint Committee | February 2022
Comprehensive investigation of Christian nationalism's role in January 6 and its implications for a democracy composed of people of many religions and none.
