Why Democracies Support Authoritarian Regimes Abroad

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Why Democracies Support Authoritarian Regimes Abroad

Democratic governments frequently describe democracy, human rights, and the rule of law as central foreign-policy goals. However, the historical record shows that democratic states have often maintained close political, military, and economic relationships with authoritarian governments when doing so was believed to advance national interests. The sources collected on this page examine the strategic calculations, historical precedents, and long-term consequences of this recurring pattern. :contentReference[oaicite:0]{index=0}

Strategic Interests and Democratic Double Standards

Many authors argue that democratic governments regularly balance democratic ideals against competing priorities such as regional stability, military alliances, competition with rival powers, counterterrorism, and diplomatic influence. The literature repeatedly describes situations in which democratic values are promoted selectively, with stronger criticism directed toward adversaries than toward strategically valuable allies. :contentReference[oaicite:1]{index=1}

Military Aid, Arms Sales, and Security Cooperation

A major theme concerns military assistance and arms exports. Numerous studies argue that security cooperation often continues despite documented human-rights abuses because governments prioritize strategic partnerships, regional influence, intelligence sharing, and defense relationships. Several reports recommend placing stronger democratic and human-rights conditions on security assistance. :contentReference[oaicite:2]{index=2}

Oil, Trade, and Economic Interests

Energy supplies, trade, foreign investment, and economic partnerships frequently influence foreign-policy decisions. The sources examine how oil-producing authoritarian states, particularly in the Middle East, have maintained close relationships with democratic governments because of energy security, regional influence, and commercial interests. Research on foreign aid also explores how strategic objectives often shape assistance decisions more strongly than democratic performance alone. :contentReference[oaicite:3]{index=3}

Cold War Alliances and Authoritarian Allies

Cold War competition encouraged democratic governments to support numerous anti-communist authoritarian regimes across Latin America, Asia, Africa, and the Middle East. The collection includes studies on Iran, Chile, Guatemala, Brazil, Indonesia, South Korea, Pakistan, the Philippines, and other countries where strategic rivalry frequently outweighed democratic considerations. :contentReference[oaicite:4]{index=4}

Stability, Counterterrorism, and Regional Order

Many publications question the assumption that authoritarian governments provide lasting stability. While policymakers often view strong authoritarian partners as reliable security allies, researchers argue that political repression may contribute to instability, radicalization, weakened institutions, and future conflict. Counterterrorism partnerships are presented as another reason democratic governments continue cooperating with authoritarian states. :contentReference[oaicite:5]{index=5}

Consequences and Alternatives

Several reports argue that inconsistent support for democracy weakens international credibility and allows authoritarian governments to strengthen their positions. Many authors recommend integrating democracy promotion more consistently into diplomacy, foreign assistance, sanctions, alliance management, and international institutions while recognizing that democratic transitions require sustained domestic and international support. :contentReference[oaicite:6]{index=6}

Strategic Interests and Foreign-Policy Hypocrisy

The collected sources explore longstanding debates over whether supporting authoritarian allies ultimately advances or undermines democratic countries' long-term interests. Some argue that cooperation with dictators produces short-term security benefits but damages democratic credibility, encourages repression, and creates future instability. Others defend such relationships as unavoidable under difficult geopolitical conditions. :contentReference[oaicite:7]{index=7}

Authoritarian Stability and the Middle East

A substantial portion of the material focuses on the Middle East, where scholars examine why Western governments have frequently partnered with authoritarian governments in Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and elsewhere. Common explanations include oil, regional security, counterterrorism, military cooperation, and concerns about political instability following democratic change. :contentReference[oaicite:8]{index=8}

Cold War Alliances and Covert Intervention

Historical studies document covert interventions, diplomatic support, and military cooperation during the Cold War. These sources analyze how ideological competition and strategic calculations shaped relationships with authoritarian governments in Latin America, Africa, and the Middle East, often despite widespread political repression. :contentReference[oaicite:9]{index=9}

Counterterrorism and Security Partnerships

Following the September 11 attacks, counterterrorism became an increasingly significant factor in relationships between democratic governments and authoritarian partners. The sources discuss expanded military assistance, intelligence cooperation, and security partnerships that often continued despite concerns regarding torture, censorship, political imprisonment, and restrictions on civil society. :contentReference[oaicite:10]{index=10}

Conclusion

The collected literature presents a broad examination of the tension between democratic ideals and strategic foreign-policy objectives. Across different historical periods and regions, the sources identify recurring themes including military alliances, geopolitical rivalry, economic interests, energy security, foreign aid, and counterterrorism. Together they illustrate an ongoing debate over whether cooperation with authoritarian governments promotes long-term stability or instead undermines democracy, human rights, and the credibility of democratic foreign policy. :contentReference[oaicite:11]{index=11}



Strategic Interests and Democratic Double Standards

Examining U.S. Relations With Authoritarian Countries

| Thomas Carothers and Benjamin Press | Carnegie Endowment for International Peace | December 13, 2023

Security concerns—including rivalry with China and Russia, counterterrorism, and fears of regional instability—usually outweigh democratic values when the United States decides whether to cooperate with authoritarian governments.
How Not to Engage With Authoritarian States

| Nic Cheeseman and Marie-Eve Desrosiers | Westminster Foundation for Democracy | February 2, 2023

Engagement by democratic governments can strengthen authoritarian rulers by providing recognition, resources, expertise, and international legitimacy without requiring meaningful political reform.
A Shaky Foundation: The Myth of Authoritarian Stability in the Middle East

| Jon Hoffman | Cato Institute | December 20, 2022

U.S. policymakers frequently support Middle Eastern autocrats because they appear capable of maintaining stability, but repression can generate radicalization, political upheaval, and unreliable alliances.
A New Social Contract for Arab States

| Emile Nakhleh | Responsible Statecraft | January 21, 2022

American support for authoritarian Arab governments is driven by security relationships and established regional interests, even when it contradicts popular demands for accountable government.
Middle Eastern Autocrats Sigh With Relief

| James M. Dorsey | Responsible Statecraft | December 11, 2021

Despite democratic rhetoric, U.S. policy continues to treat authoritarian rule as a source of regional stability and remains reluctant to jeopardize military and diplomatic relationships.
The Dilemma of U.S. Democracy and Human-Rights Promotion in the Middle East

| Amr Hamzawy and Nathan J. Brown | Carnegie Endowment for International Peace | May 27, 2021

Democracy promotion lacks credibility when Washington criticizes adversaries while accommodating allied governments that imprison dissidents and restrict political competition.
Biden Cannot Make Washington a Beacon for Human Rights by Returning to Business as Usual

| Kenneth Roth | Human Rights Watch | January 14, 2021

A credible human-rights policy requires limiting military aid and arms sales to abusive allies rather than imposing standards primarily on governments considered strategic adversaries.
The Limits of American Multilateral Diplomacy in the Middle East

| Annelle Sheline | Responsible Statecraft | December 23, 2020

Washington’s dependence on Egypt, Turkey, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, and the United Arab Emirates reduces its willingness to challenge their authoritarian policies and regional interventions.
Why Biden’s Middle East Policy Should Focus on Human Rights

| Daniel Brumberg | Responsible Statecraft | October 16, 2020

Strategic cooperation with Arab autocrats has repeatedly pushed human rights below military, diplomatic, and economic objectives in American foreign policy.
The United States Is Ignoring Pandemic-Fueled Repression in the Middle East

| Annelle Sheline | Responsible Statecraft | August 17, 2020

U.S.-allied governments used emergency measures to intensify repression while Washington avoided forceful criticism of regimes considered important to regional security.
Democracy Demotion

| Thomas Carothers and Frances Z. Brown | Foreign Affairs | June 11, 2019

American democracy promotion has weakened because policymakers increasingly prioritize geopolitical competition, counterterrorism, and short-term stability over political liberalization.
The Myth of the Modernizing Dictator

| Shadi Hamid | Brookings Institution | October 24, 2018

Western governments repeatedly assume that friendly dictators will modernize their societies, even though repression often produces fragile institutions and more radical opposition.
Realism and Democracy

| Elliott Abrams | Council on Foreign Relations | 2017

The argument that strategic interests require cooperation with dictators is challenged by evidence that legitimate and accountable governments may make more reliable long-term partners.
Dealing With Authoritarian Regimes: Challenges for a Value-Based Foreign Policy

| Ralf Fücks | Heinrich Böll Foundation | November 16, 2015

Democratic states must interact with enduring authoritarian governments, creating tension between practical cooperation and commitments to democracy and human rights.
Political Stability in Authoritarian Regimes

| Cecilia Emma Sottilotta | Istituto Affari Internazionali | 2013

Western policy toward North Africa frequently equated authoritarian continuity with stability, overlooking the social pressures and institutional weaknesses created by repression.
The Arab Spring, U.S. Foreign Policy, and the Question of Democracy in the Middle East

| Nader Hashemi | Denver Journal of International Law and Policy | 2012

Decades of American support for authoritarian Middle Eastern governments undermined the credibility of U.S. claims to favor democracy during the Arab uprisings.
The Alliance Curse

| Hilton L. Root | Brookings Institution | 2008

Alliances between powerful democracies and strategically located dictators can trap both parties in relationships that reward poor governance and discourage political reform.
Is There a Human-Rights Double Standard?

| Tom Malinowski | Human Rights Watch | June 14, 2007

U.S. pressure for reform varies according to a country’s strategic value, producing much weaker responses to abuses committed by allies such as Saudi Arabia.
Is the United States Through With Arab Democracy?

| Marina Ottaway | Carnegie Endowment for International Peace | June 19, 2006

Washington retreated from Arab democracy promotion when elections appeared likely to empower movements that might oppose American regional policies.
U.S. Finds Allies in Repressive Arab Regimes

| Shibley Telhami | Brookings Institution | March 12, 2003

The United States relies on authoritarian Arab governments to support unpopular regional policies, giving those rulers incentives to suppress domestic opposition.

Military Aid, Arms Sales, and Security Cooperation

Under Primacy, Weapons Sales Will Always Supersede Human Rights

| Stephen Semler | Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft | April 9, 2025

A foreign policy centered on global military primacy encourages continued arms sales to abusive governments despite laws and public commitments concerning human rights.
A Freedom-Focused Foreign Policy

| Michael J. Abramowitz | Freedom House | September 12, 2024

Treating democracy as a national-security interest would require democratic governments to reconsider unconditional assistance to authoritarian security partners.
Understanding and Interrupting Authoritarian Collaboration

| International Foundation for Electoral Systems | IFES | 2024

Authoritarian collaboration includes weapons transfers, security training, mercenary assistance, surveillance technology, and diplomatic support for governments facing domestic opposition.
Should We Sell Arms to Human-Rights Violators?

| Asif Efrat | Journal of Global Security Studies | 2023

Western democracies often authorize arms transfers to repressive governments because economic and security interests outweigh concern about how the weapons may be used.
The Global Expansion of Authoritarian Rule

| Sarah Repucci and Amy Slipowitz | Freedom House | February 2022

Authoritarian governments strengthen one another through security cooperation, financial assistance, diplomatic protection, surveillance technology, and shared methods of repression.
Policy Recommendations: The Global Expansion of Authoritarian Rule

| Freedom House | Freedom House | 2022

Democratic states are urged to scrutinize security assistance, arms exports, corruption, and economic relationships that empower repressive governments.
Al-Sisi’s Western Benefactors Are Betraying Egypt’s Democratic Struggle

| Amr Magdi | Human Rights Watch | October 14, 2021

Continued American and European military support helps Egypt’s government withstand criticism over political imprisonment, torture, and the destruction of independent civic life.
Reversing the Tide

| Freedom House, Center for Strategic and International Studies, and McCain Institute | Freedom House | April 2021

American institutions often treat democracy support as secondary to traditional security policy, allowing authoritarian partners to receive assistance without meaningful accountability.
The Fallacy of Great-Power Rivalry in the Middle East

| Mandy Terc and Kevin Schwartz | Responsible Statecraft | March 10, 2021

Competition with Russia and China is frequently invoked to justify close ties with authoritarian governments and to discourage human-rights conditions on assistance.
Biden’s Challenge: Redeeming a U.S. Role for Human Rights

| Kenneth Roth | Human Rights Watch | January 13, 2021

Selective criticism of hostile governments loses credibility when American leaders praise or arm abusive allies such as Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates.
Strategies and Recommendations for Reversing the Tide

| Freedom House, Center for Strategic and International Studies, and McCain Institute | Freedom House | 2021

The report recommends incorporating democracy and human-rights conditions into diplomacy, security assistance, development policy, and relations with strategically important governments.
Security Assistance in the Middle East: A Three-Dimensional Chessboard

| Robert Springborg, F. C. “Pink” Williams, and John Zavage | Carnegie Middle East Center | February 6, 2020

External powers provide military assistance to strengthen friendly governments and secure influence, frequently reinforcing coercive institutions rather than accountable states.
We’re Calling on Booker and Menendez to Do What Trump Will Not When Egypt’s President Visits

| Sarah Margon | Human Rights Watch | April 8, 2019

Egypt’s military aid has remained protected because Washington regards the country as a central security partner despite its severe political repression.
Breaking Down Democracy

| Arch Puddington | Freedom House | June 2017

Authoritarian governments exchange techniques of political control while democratic governments struggle to coordinate effective responses.
The U.S. Must Put Democracy at the Center of Its Foreign Policy

| Michael J. Abramowitz | Freedom House | March 16, 2016

Military and diplomatic relationships should be evaluated according to their effects on democratic institutions rather than separated from questions of domestic governance.
Supporting Democracy Abroad: United States

| Lincoln Mitchell | Freedom House | 2014

U.S. democracy assistance coexists with military and diplomatic relationships that protect authoritarian allies, making American support inconsistent across countries.
Human Rights, Democracy, and Western Arms Sales

| Richard Perkins and Eric Neumayer | Geoforum | 2010

Western arms-export decisions are shaped more strongly by domestic economic and strategic interests than by recipients’ democratic records or respect for human rights.
Twenty-First Century Authoritarians

| Christopher Walker | Freedom House | 2009

Modern authoritarian regimes exploit international organizations, state-controlled media, energy wealth, and relationships with democratic governments to resist external pressure.
The Repression Trade

| Amnesty International | Amnesty International | 1981

Arms exhibitions and government-supported weapons exports can increase the repressive capacity of security forces operating under authoritarian governments.
Arms and Torture

| Amnesty International | Amnesty International | 1980

Selling weapons to an abusive government represents material and political support, even when the exporting state claims to oppose that government’s domestic practices.

Oil, Trade, and Economic Interests

Modern History and U.S. Foreign Policy: Middle East Timeline

| Council on Foreign Relations Education | Council on Foreign Relations | November 19, 2024

The history of American relations with Saudi Arabia illustrates how oil, regional security, arms cooperation, and strategic geography can preserve alliances despite authoritarian rule.
The Middle East Is Once Again West Asia

| Andrew Latham | Responsible Statecraft | August 15, 2023

Gulf monarchies have gained influence through energy wealth, investment, and independent foreign policies, making democratic governments reluctant to challenge their domestic systems.
What Biden Means When He Says We Are Fighting a Global Battle for Democracy

| Stephen Wertheim | Responsible Statecraft | April 1, 2023

The United States includes authoritarian client states in coalitions described as defending democracy when those governments are useful in competition with China or other rivals.
Counter-Revolutionary? Israel’s Relationships With Arab Autocrats

| Jon Hoffman | Responsible Statecraft | January 28, 2022

Israel’s growing economic and security relationships with Arab autocracies reinforce a regional order in which democratic transformation is treated as unpredictable and threatening.
How Support for Authoritarian Regimes Like Saudi Arabia Has Continued

| Jacob Daniels | Grand Valley State University | 2021

Oil, arms purchases, counterterrorism, and Saudi Arabia’s regional position explain why successive American administrations tolerate severe political repression.
Aid Is Not Oil

| Sarah Blodgett Bermeo | International Organization | Winter 2016

The political effects of foreign aid depend on donor objectives, including whether donors prioritize development and reform or strategic loyalty.
Foreign Aid and Regime Change

| Simone Dietrich and Joseph Wright | Journal of Politics | January 2015

Donors choose different forms of assistance according to their political objectives, sometimes bypassing governments and sometimes strengthening incumbent regimes.
Foreign Aid and Autocratic Survival

| Faisal Z. Ahmed | International Studies Quarterly | September 2012

External financial resources can allow authoritarian rulers to reduce taxation, fund patronage, strengthen coercive institutions, and survive domestic challenges.
Foreign Aid, Democracy, and Autocratic Survival

| James A. Morrison | British Journal of Political Science | January 2012

Unearned external revenue can weaken political accountability by reducing governments’ dependence on citizens for taxation and consent.
Foreign Aid and Democratization

| Sarah Blodgett Bermeo | International Studies Quarterly | March 2011

Aid from democratic donors may encourage reform, but its effects vary according to geopolitical interests, recipient institutions, and the conditions attached to assistance.
How Foreign Aid Can Foster Democratization in Authoritarian Regimes

| Joseph Wright | American Journal of Political Science | July 2009

Aid can promote democratization under some institutional conditions, but assistance that provides rulers with discretionary resources can also help authoritarian regimes survive.
Oil, Islam, and Women

| Michael L. Ross | American Political Science Review | February 2008

Dependence on oil revenue can reinforce authoritarian institutions and gender inequality while making petroleum-producing governments economically important to democratic trading partners.
Foreign Aid and Policy Concessions

concessions | Bruce Bueno de Mesquita and Alastair Smith | Journal of Conflict Resolution | August 2007

Foreign assistance is often exchanged for policy concessions that benefit donor governments, making the recipient’s political system less important than its strategic usefulness.
Buying Influence: Aid Fungibility in a Strategic Perspective

| Bruce Bueno de Mesquita and Alastair Smith | American Journal of Political Science | April 2007

Aid allows donor governments to purchase strategic cooperation while recipient rulers redirect domestic resources toward patronage and political survival.
Does Foreign Aid Promote Democracy?

| Stephen Knack | International Studies Quarterly | March 2004

Foreign assistance does not automatically produce democracy and may reinforce governments that control aid distribution and suppress political competition.
Conditioning the Effects of Aid

| Thad Dunning | International Organization | Spring 2004

During the Cold War, geopolitical competition weakened donors’ willingness to make foreign assistance conditional on democratic reform.
Does Oil Hinder Democracy?

| Michael L. Ross | World Politics | April 2001

Petroleum wealth can sustain authoritarianism through taxation effects, patronage spending, and repression, while external demand gives importing democracies incentives to preserve stable relations.
The Political Economy of Foreign Aid

| Alberto Alesina and David Dollar | Journal of Economic Growth | March 2000

Donor governments frequently allocate aid according to colonial history, political alliances, and strategic interests rather than poverty or democratic performance.
Why Do Some Countries Receive More Foreign Aid Than Others?

| Alberto Alesina and David Dollar | Journal of Economic Growth | 2000

Aid patterns reveal that political and strategic relationships often matter more than governance quality when democratic states distribute economic assistance.
The Political Economy of Aid Allocation

| Peter J. Schraeder, Steven W. Hook, and Bruce Taylor | World Development | February 1998

American, Japanese, French, and Swedish aid programs reflect different mixtures of commercial interests, security priorities, humanitarian concerns, and former colonial ties.

Cold War Coups and Authoritarian Allies

The United States and the Indonesian Mass Killings, 1965–1966

| Human Rights Watch | Human Rights Watch | October 18, 2017

Declassified records indicate that American officials possessed detailed knowledge of mass killings while assisting the military forces responsible.
Indonesia and the United States, 1965–1966

| Brad Simpson | National Security Archive | October 17, 2017

U.S. officials welcomed the Indonesian army’s destruction of the Communist Party and supported the emergence of Suharto’s authoritarian anti-communist regime.
Brazil Marks the Fiftieth Anniversary of the Military Coup

| Peter Kornbluh | National Security Archive | April 2, 2014

Documents show that the United States prepared assistance for Brazil’s 1964 military coup and quickly recognized the authoritarian government that followed.
CIA Confirms Role in 1953 Iran Coup

| Malcolm Byrne | National Security Archive | August 19, 2013

Declassified documents confirm American involvement in the operation that overthrew Mohammad Mosaddegh and restored the shah’s political dominance.
Chile, the United States, and the Cold War, 1973–1976

| Tanya Harmer | Diplomatic History | April 2013

The Nixon and Ford administrations worked with Pinochet’s dictatorship because Chile was viewed through the strategic and ideological framework of the Cold War.
The United States and the Philippines Under Marcos

| Office of the Historian | U.S. Department of State | 2012

American access to military bases and Cold War strategy helped preserve the alliance with Ferdinand Marcos after he imposed martial law.
Chile: Democracy, Destabilization, Dictatorship

| Elizabeth LeGrand | The Crimson Historical Review | 2011

Declassified evidence shows how fears of socialism led American officials to destabilize an elected government and accept the emergence of authoritarian rule.
The United States and South Korea Under Authoritarian Rule

| Office of the Historian | U.S. Department of State | 2010

Diplomatic records reveal how security concerns regarding North Korea encouraged Washington to maintain close relations with South Korean authoritarian governments.
What Pinochet Did for Chile

| Paul E. Sigmund | Hoover Institution | January 2007

This controversial defense of Pinochet’s economic record illustrates how some observers excuse authoritarian repression when a regime adopts preferred economic policies.
East Timor Revisited

| William Burr and Michael Evans | National Security Archive | December 6, 2001

Documents show that President Gerald Ford and Henry Kissinger maintained relations with Suharto despite Indonesia’s invasion and occupation of East Timor.
The Secret CIA History of the Iran Coup

| Donald Wilber and Malcolm Byrne | National Security Archive | November 29, 2000

The internal history of Operation TPAJAX describes how intelligence agencies used propaganda, political payments, and covert organization to replace an elected government.
CIA and Assassinations: The Guatemala 1954 Documents

| Kate Doyle and Peter Kornbluh | National Security Archive | May 23, 1997

Declassified records reveal the coercive planning surrounding the American-backed operation that installed a government more acceptable to Washington.
The Philippines: U.S. Policy During the Marcos Years

| U.S. Senate Committee on Foreign Relations | U.S. Government Printing Office | 1985

The report examines how military facilities, security cooperation, and institutional relationships caused Washington to accommodate Marcos’s increasingly authoritarian government.
The Allende Years and the Pinochet Coup, 1969–1973

| Office of the Historian | U.S. Department of State | n.d.

Declassified history documents American political and covert efforts against Chile’s elected socialist government before Augusto Pinochet established a military dictatorship.
The 1953 Coup in Iran

| Office of the Historian | U.S. Department of State | n.d.

The United States and Britain helped remove Iran’s elected prime minister amid concerns about oil nationalization and communist influence, strengthening the shah’s authoritarian monarchy.
Guatemala, 1954

| Office of the Historian | U.S. Department of State | n.d.

American officials supported the overthrow of President Jacobo Árbenz because land reform and alleged communist influence were considered threats to U.S. strategic and commercial interests.
Brazil: Five Centuries of Change—The Military Regime

| James N. Green | Brown University Library | n.d.

The Brazilian dictatorship received substantial American support because it was considered a reliable anti-communist government and regional partner.
Pakistan: The United States and the Generals

| Council on Foreign Relations | Council on Foreign Relations | n.d.

Counterterrorism, nuclear security, Afghanistan, and regional strategy repeatedly led Washington to cooperate closely with Pakistani military rulers.
Cold War Alliances and Authoritarian Regimes

| Office of the Historian | U.S. Department of State | n.d.

The doctrine of containment encouraged the United States to value governments according to their anti-communist alignment rather than their democratic legitimacy.
Friendly Tyrants

| Christopher A. Preble | Cato Institute | n.d.

American alliances with dictators are defended as strategic necessities, but they can implicate the United States in repression and create long-term hostility among affected populations.

Stability, Counterterrorism, and Regional Order

The Rules-Based Order Versus the Defense of Democracy

| Richard Youngs | Carnegie Europe | September 18, 2024

Democracies often defend an international order that includes authoritarian partners, creating tension between preserving existing institutions and actively supporting democratic government.
The Progressive Case for American Power

| Ben Rhodes | Foreign Affairs | June 18, 2024

Liberal internationalism must confront the contradiction between professed democratic principles and partnerships formed around military power and geopolitical competition.
What Russia’s Invasion of Ukraine Means for Democracy Promotion in the Middle East

| Shadi Hamid | Brookings Institution | March 15, 2022

Democratic governments frequently treat Middle Eastern authoritarianism as stable even though rulers’ insecurity and repression can produce aggressive and unpredictable behavior.
Sudan’s Coup and the Regional Interference Behind a Faltering Transition

| Kholood Khair | Responsible Statecraft | December 22, 2021

Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates opposed Sudan’s democratic transition while Western governments failed to apply sufficient pressure on their authoritarian partners.
Democracy First

| Patrick W. Quirk | Brookings Institution | February 22, 2021

Competition with authoritarian powers will remain incoherent while the United States supports repressive partners whose conduct undermines democratic credibility.
Security Versus Democracy in the Middle East

| Michele Dunne | Carnegie Endowment for International Peace | 2020

Counterterrorism and fears of political disorder lead external governments to strengthen security institutions even when those institutions suppress peaceful political participation.
A World Safe for Autocracy?

| Jessica Chen Weiss | Foreign Affairs | June 11, 2019

China generally prioritizes sovereignty, stability, and favorable state-to-state relations rather than demanding that its partners adopt a particular political system.
The Strongmen Strike Back

| Robert Kagan | Brookings Institution | March 2019

Authoritarianism has reemerged as an ideological and geopolitical challenge, aided partly by uncertainty and division among democratic governments.
Upholding Democracy in a Post-Western Order

| Richard Youngs | Carnegie Europe | February 13, 2019

Democracies outside the West support political reform selectively and often subordinate democratic solidarity to regional, economic, and security interests.
The China Challenge, Democracy, and U.S. Grand Strategy

| Tarun Chhabra | Brookings Institution | February 2019

A strategy based on democratic values must reconcile competition with China with Washington’s continued reliance on nondemocratic security partners.
The Return to Great-Power Rivalry Was Inevitable

| Robert Kagan | Brookings Institution | September 12, 2018

Strategic competition requires democracies to cooperate with some authoritarian powers, even while resisting authoritarian challenges to the wider international order.
Authoritarianism and the Securitization of Development

| Jonathan Fisher and David M. Anderson | Third World Quarterly | 2016

Western governments often overlook repression by African security partners portrayed as indispensable to counterterrorism, peacekeeping, and regional stability.
Democracy Prevention

| Christian von Soest | European Journal of Political Research | November 2015

Authoritarian governments support other autocrats to preserve strategic influence, prevent democratic diffusion, and protect their own prospects for political survival.
The International Politics of Authoritarian Rule

| Julia Bader | Perspectives on Politics | September 2013

International alliances, economic ties, and foreign assistance can stabilize authoritarian governments by reducing their vulnerability to domestic and external pressure.
The Diffusion of Authoritarianism

| Steven Levitsky and Lucan A. Way | Democratization | October 2010

International linkages and leverage influence whether external powers pressure authoritarian governments or protect them from the consequences of repression.
International Dimensions of Authoritarian Rule

| Steven Levitsky and Lucan A. Way | Cambridge University Press | 2010

Authoritarian survival depends partly on whether rulers receive external patronage and whether democratic powers possess both the leverage and willingness to demand reform.
How the War on Terror Sustains Authoritarianism

| Larry Diamond | Journal of Democracy | 2008

Counterterrorism partnerships can provide authoritarian governments with aid, legitimacy, and permissive language for labeling peaceful opponents as security threats.
Linkage Versus Leverage

| Steven Levitsky and Lucan A. Way | Comparative Politics | July 2006

Western pressure is strongest where political, economic, and social connections make abuses visible and weakest where competing security interests protect authoritarian incumbents.
U.S. Democracy Promotion Policy in the Middle East

| Jeremy M. Sharp | Congressional Research Service | 2006

U.S. officials face a conflict between encouraging elections and preserving relationships with governments that support American security policy and restrict Islamist opposition.
Arab Perceptions of United States Presence and Policy

| Michael B. Meyer | U.S. Army War College | 2003

Many Arab citizens view American democracy rhetoric as insincere because Washington maintains military relationships with authoritarian regimes and supports unpopular regional policies.

Consequences and Alternatives

Post-U.S. International Democracy Support

| Richard Youngs and Thomas Carothers | Carnegie Endowment for International Peace | June 8, 2026

Other democratic states and institutions must assume greater responsibility as American leadership of international democracy assistance becomes less dependable.
World Report 2026

| Human Rights Watch | Human Rights Watch | 2026

The report examines how powerful governments embolden authoritarian leaders by praising them, maintaining security partnerships, and applying human-rights standards selectively.
The Illiberal International

| Nic Cheeseman, Matias Bianchi, and Jennifer Cyr | Foreign Affairs | December 16, 2025

Authoritarian and illiberal governments increasingly cooperate across borders, requiring democracy support to become broader, more credible, and less dependent on Western geopolitical priorities.
A World Unsafe for Democracy

| Thomas Carothers | Carnegie Endowment for International Peace | August 21, 2025

Selectivity and hypocrisy have long weakened American democracy promotion, while open indifference to democratic principles further empowers authoritarian governments.
What Future for International Democracy Support?

| Richard Youngs and Thomas Carothers | Carnegie Endowment for International Peace | July 7, 2025

Democracy support must adapt to a multipolar system in which authoritarian powers and democratic governments alike pursue influence through aid, investment, diplomacy, and security relationships.
The State of the World’s Human Rights

| Amnesty International | Amnesty International | April 2025

Arms trading, selective diplomatic concern, and weak responses to repression reveal the gap between governments’ human-rights commitments and their international conduct.
The New, Broader Alliance of Autocracies

| Joshua Kurlantzick | Council on Foreign Relations | December 9, 2024

Cooperation among authoritarian states creates pressure on democracies to strengthen their own alliances without reproducing relationships that empower abusive partners.
Democracies Deliver Better Economic Opportunities, Rights, and Health

| Trevor Sutton and Carolyn Kenney | Center for American Progress | September 26, 2024

Evidence about the social and economic benefits of accountable government challenges claims that authoritarian rule should be tolerated for the sake of development and stability.
Reflections on the State of Human Rights

| Agnès Callamard | Amnesty International | April 24, 2024

Authoritarian practices have spread partly because governments place borders, military interests, and political alliances above consistent enforcement of human-rights standards.
The U.S. Can Stop El Salvador’s Slide to Authoritarianism

| José Miguel Vivanco | Human Rights Watch | May 21, 2021

Foreign aid, trade, diplomacy, and influence in international financial institutions give democratic governments leverage when they choose to defend judicial independence.
Reversing the Tide: Toward a New U.S. Strategy to Support Democracy

| Freedom House, Center for Strategic and International Studies, and McCain Institute | Freedom House | April 13, 2021

The report proposes integrating democracy into national-security planning and using diplomacy, aid, sanctions, and alliances to counter authoritarian influence.
How Middle-Power Democracies Can Help Renovate Global Democracy Support

| Thomas Carothers and Richard Youngs | Carnegie Endowment for International Peace | February 4, 2021

Democracies such as Japan, South Korea, Australia, and European states can reduce dependence on inconsistent American leadership by strengthening collective democracy assistance.
The Pushback Against the Populist Challenge

| Kenneth Roth | Human Rights Watch | January 2018

Coordinated pressure from governments, civic groups, courts, and voters can constrain authoritarian leaders when democratic institutions refuse to treat repression as politically inevitable.
The Lessons of Successful Democratic Transitions

| Abraham F. Lowenthal and Sergio Bitar | Foreign Affairs | December 14, 2015

Successful transitions require domestic leadership, negotiation, institutional reform, and sustained international support rather than unconditional backing for incumbent authoritarian rulers.
Venezuela: Chávez’s Authoritarian Legacy

| Human Rights Watch | Human Rights Watch | March 5, 2013

Concentrating power and weakening independent institutions demonstrate how elected governments can become authoritarian while retaining international allies and ideological supporters.
Russia Repeats Western Mistakes in the Arab Spring

| Kenneth Roth | Human Rights Watch | January 23, 2012

Backing repressive rulers for short-term stability alienates citizens and leaves foreign powers closely associated with abuses when authoritarian systems eventually face upheaval.
Minor League, Major Problems

| Thomas Carothers | Foreign Affairs | November 1, 2008

An exclusive league of democracies could complicate necessary cooperation with nondemocratic states without resolving the contradictions within democratic foreign policy.
Democracy Without Illusions

| Thomas Carothers | Foreign Affairs | January 1, 1997

Effective democracy assistance requires realistic attention to institutions and local political conditions rather than rhetorical support combined with accommodation of authoritarian elites.

Strategic Interests and Foreign-Policy Hypocrisy

U.S. Support for Dictators Abroad Has Had Lasting Impacts

| Howard W. French | Foreign Policy | May 20, 2022

Decades of Western support for dictators such as Ferdinand Marcos damaged democratic institutions and contributed to lasting public distrust of American claims to support freedom.
The Fatal Flaw in the West’s Fight Against Autocracy

| Casey Michel | Foreign Policy | October 6, 2021

Western financial systems help authoritarian officials hide wealth, purchase property, employ professional intermediaries, and protect assets despite public commitments to opposing autocracy.
Democracy on the Defense

| Michael J. Abramowitz | Foreign Affairs | February 16, 2021

American foreign policy has regularly supported authoritarian governments when policymakers believed cooperation would advance military, economic, or geopolitical objectives.
Autocrats Have a Playbook—Now Democrats Need One Too

| Laura Thornton | Foreign Policy | February 10, 2021

Democratic governments need a coordinated strategy because inconsistent policies and transactional alliances permit authoritarian rulers to exploit divisions among democracies.
America’s Authoritarian Partners

| Doug Bandow | Cato Institute | March 8, 2018

U.S. officials maintain relationships with authoritarian governments because of military bases, intelligence cooperation, arms purchases, energy supplies, and rivalry with other powers.
Is the United States Giving Up on Supporting Democracy Abroad?

| Thomas Carothers | Foreign Policy | September 8, 2016

Although the Cold War ended, trade, counterterrorism, regional peace agreements, and other interests continued to draw Washington into close relationships with authoritarian rulers.
Why Supporting Dictators Can Doom Them

| Alexander B. Downes and Jonathan Monten | Foreign Affairs | March 7, 2016

Great powers support dictatorships to obtain military cooperation, natural resources, diplomatic alignment, and other strategic benefits, but visible foreign backing can undermine a ruler’s domestic legitimacy and contribute to eventual overthrow.
Democracy Promotion Under Obama

| Thomas Carothers | Carnegie Endowment for International Peace | January 11, 2012

The Obama administration supported democratic principles rhetorically but often prioritized counterterrorism, military access, and relations with established governments.
The Problem With Supporting Friendly Dictators

| Doug Bandow | Cato Institute | February 7, 2011

Friendly dictators may provide temporary cooperation, but their repression can generate anti-American sentiment, political instability, and revolutionary opposition.
The Costs of Supporting Dictators

| Ted Galen Carpenter | Cato Institute | February 4, 2011

Support for autocratic allies associates democratic governments with repression and can leave them vulnerable when popular uprisings threaten their partners.
The Democracy Bureaucracy

| Thomas Carothers | Carnegie Endowment for International Peace | September 2009

Democracy assistance programs operate within a larger foreign-policy system in which security agencies and diplomatic priorities frequently favor cooperation with authoritarian incumbents.
Democracy Promotion: The Bush Doctrine in the Age of Obama

| Leslie H. Gelb | Foreign Affairs | February 1, 2009

Democracy promotion frequently gives way to traditional power politics when elections or political change threaten American alliances and regional strategies.
Can Democracy Promotion Work?

| Eric H. Kessler | Cato Institute | July 2, 2008

Democracy promotion is undermined when intervention is inconsistent, coercive, or subordinated to military alliances with undemocratic governments.
The Problem With the Democracy Agenda

| Tamara Cofman Wittes | Brookings Institution | December 2006

American policymakers often retreat from democracy promotion when political openings empower parties that challenge U.S. regional interests.
The Backlash Against Democracy Assistance

| Thomas Carothers | Journal of Democracy | April 2006

Authoritarian governments increasingly resisted foreign democracy programs while Western states remained reluctant to jeopardize broader diplomatic and economic relationships.
The Inconsistencies of U.S. Democracy Promotion

| Thomas Carothers | Carnegie Endowment for International Peace | January 2006

American democracy promotion has historically been selective, with pressure applied more forcefully against adversaries than against strategically useful authoritarian allies.
The Freedom Agenda: Why America Must Spread Democracy

| James Traub | Foreign Affairs | September 1, 2005

The article evaluates the contradiction between ambitious American democracy rhetoric and continuing partnerships with authoritarian governments considered strategically indispensable.
Democracy Promotion as a World Value

| Richard Youngs | The Washington Quarterly | Winter 2005

Democratic governments generally promote political reform only when it is compatible with economic, security, and diplomatic interests.
Dictatorships and Double Standards

| Jeane J. Kirkpatrick | Commentary | November 1979

Kirkpatrick argued that the United States should preserve alliances with anti-communist authoritarian governments rather than pressure them in ways that might produce hostile revolutionary regimes.
Dictatorships and American Foreign Policy

| Jeane J. Kirkpatrick | Foreign Affairs | October 1, 1975

This influential argument distinguished traditional authoritarian governments from revolutionary totalitarian regimes and provided an intellectual defense of supporting friendly dictators during the Cold War.

Authoritarian Stability and the Middle East

EU’s €7.4 Billion Egypt Deal Rewards Repression

| Amnesty International | Amnesty International | March 18, 2024

European leaders prioritized migration control and regional stability in a major agreement with Egypt despite widespread political detention and restrictions on civil society.
EU-Egypt Support Risks Complicity in Abuses

| Human Rights Watch | Human Rights Watch | December 19, 2023

European economic and migration cooperation with Egypt risks strengthening an abusive government without securing substantial human-rights reforms.
The United States and Saudi Arabia: A Relationship Threatened by Extremes

| Kali Robinson | Council on Foreign Relations | December 7, 2022

Oil markets, arms sales, intelligence cooperation, Iran, and regional security have sustained the U.S.–Saudi partnership despite profound political and human-rights disagreements.
Why Washington Keeps Supporting Egypt’s Dictatorship

| Doug Bandow | Cato Institute | April 15, 2019

U.S. support for Egypt reflects military access, counterterrorism cooperation, relations with Israel, and a preference for predictable authoritarian rule.
The Case Against the U.S.–Saudi Alliance

| John Glaser | Cato Institute | December 5, 2018

The alliance provides few dependable security benefits while associating the United States with repression, regional intervention, and authoritarian governance.
America and Saudi Arabia in the New Middle East

| F. Gregory Gause III | Foreign Affairs | April 18, 2016

Strategic cooperation survives because both governments value energy security, counterterrorism, arms purchases, and balancing regional rivals.
The Arab Spring at Five

| Shadi Hamid | Brookings Institution | January 21, 2016

Western governments became increasingly willing to accept restored authoritarianism after democratic transitions produced instability and electoral victories by Islamist parties.
Why the Middle East Is More Democratic Than It Seems

| Steven A. Cook | Foreign Affairs | August 17, 2015

External powers often misunderstand political participation in the region while maintaining close relationships with ruling institutions that restrict genuine competition.
Egypt’s Authoritarian Restoration

| Jason Brownlee | Journal of Democracy | July 2015

Egypt’s return to military-backed authoritarianism was aided by external financing, diplomatic recognition, and muted pressure from democratic governments.
The Rise and Fall of the Arab World’s Liberal Moment

| Shadi Hamid | Brookings Institution | June 16, 2015

Liberal reformers lost influence as regional governments and their Western partners treated political stability as more important than representative government.
The United States and the Egyptian Military

| Jonathan Masters | Council on Foreign Relations | January 30, 2014

Annual military assistance gave Washington access and influence while strengthening an Egyptian institution that repeatedly dominated the country’s political system.
The Arab Thermidor

| Marc F. Plattner | Journal of Democracy | January 2014

Democratic hopes generated by the Arab Spring weakened as military forces, monarchies, and foreign governments worked to restore authoritarian regional order.
The New Authoritarianism in the Middle East and North Africa

| Steven Heydemann and Reinoud Leenders | Brookings Institution | April 2013

Regional governments adapted to protest by combining repression with managed reform, economic patronage, and external political support.
The Stability–Instability Paradox of Arab Authoritarianism

| Eva Bellin | Journal of Democracy | January 2012

External support, oil revenue, and powerful coercive institutions allowed Arab authoritarian governments to survive even when they lacked democratic legitimacy.
Saudi Arabia in the New Middle East

| F. Gregory Gause III | Council on Foreign Relations | December 2011

Saudi Arabia uses oil wealth, religious influence, security assistance, and regional alliances to preserve monarchical rule and counter democratic or revolutionary movements.
The Struggle for Egypt

| Steven A. Cook | Foreign Affairs | May 1, 2011

American support for Egypt’s military and the Mubarak government was rooted in regional security, the peace treaty with Israel, and access to strategic transportation routes.
Upgrading Authoritarianism in the Arab World

| Steven Heydemann | Brookings Institution | October 2007

Arab regimes modernized their methods of political control while preserving economic and diplomatic relationships with Western democratic governments.
The Political Economy of Middle East Authoritarianism

| Steven Heydemann | Annual Review of Political Science | June 2007

Economic patronage, international assistance, controlled liberalization, and security cooperation help Middle Eastern authoritarian systems adapt and survive.
The Robustness of Authoritarianism in the Middle East

| Eva Bellin | Comparative Politics | January 2004

Authoritarian governments survive when security forces possess sufficient financial resources, foreign support, institutional cohesion, and willingness to repress opposition.
The Saudi Paradox

| Michael Scott Doran | Foreign Affairs | January 1, 2004

The United States depends on a Saudi government whose domestic religious and political arrangements have also contributed to anti-American mobilization.

Cold War Alliances and Covert Intervention

The United States and Uruguay’s Dictatorship

| National Security Archive | George Washington University | June 27, 2023

U.S. security assistance and Cold War anti-communism supported institutions that helped establish and preserve authoritarian rule in Uruguay.
The United States and Latin American Dictatorships

| National Security Archive | George Washington University | March 24, 2023

Declassified documents illuminate how Washington maintained security relationships with South American dictatorships involved in coordinated transnational repression.
Argentina’s Military Coup of 1976

| Carlos Osorio | National Security Archive | March 23, 2021

American officials rapidly developed working relationships with Argentina’s military junta because it was viewed as anti-communist and strategically cooperative.
Carter and the Shah

| Malcolm Byrne | National Security Archive | February 11, 2019

Declassified records document continued American support for Iran’s monarchy as officials struggled to reconcile human-rights rhetoric with strategic dependence.
Paraguay’s Stroessner Dictatorship and the United States

| National Security Archive | George Washington University | February 3, 2019

Washington treated Alfredo Stroessner as a dependable anti-communist ally despite systematic repression and his government’s participation in Operation Condor.
The United States and the Shah of Iran

| Office of the Historian | U.S. Department of State | 2012

Oil, arms sales, intelligence cooperation, and opposition to Soviet influence made the shah one of Washington’s most heavily supported authoritarian allies.
Nicaragua: The United States and the Somoza Dynasty

| Office of the Historian | U.S. Department of State | 2011

Washington supported the Somoza family because it offered anti-communist loyalty, military cooperation, and protection of American interests.
The United States and Ethiopia Under Haile Selassie

| Office of the Historian | U.S. Department of State | 2010

Military communications facilities and regional security made Ethiopia’s imperial government an important American partner despite its limited political participation.
The United States and Bolivia’s Banzer Dictatorship

| Office of the Historian | U.S. Department of State | 2009

Diplomatic records show how anti-communism and regional strategy shaped relations with Bolivia’s military governments.
Operation Condor: Deciphering the U.S. Role

| Carlos Osorio | National Security Archive | March 6, 2008

U.S. agencies possessed extensive information about the multinational campaign through which South American dictatorships abducted and killed political opponents.
The Cold War and the International History of Authoritarian Rule

| Odd Arne Westad | Cambridge University Press | 2005

Both Cold War superpowers supported authoritarian clients because ideological alignment and geopolitical competition were considered more important than popular sovereignty.
The United States and Haiti’s Duvalier Dictatorship

| Office of the Historian | U.S. Department of State | 2005

Cold War concerns and fears of instability encouraged Washington to maintain relations with François Duvalier’s repressive government.
Kissinger to the Argentine Generals: Finish the Job Quickly

| Carlos Osorio | National Security Archive | August 27, 2004

Records show that Henry Kissinger encouraged Argentine officials to complete their campaign against perceived subversion before international criticism intensified.
Kissinger and the Argentine Dirty War

| Carlos Osorio | National Security Archive | December 4, 2003

Declassified records indicate that senior American officials reassured Argentina’s military rulers even as security forces carried out disappearances, torture, and killings.
The United States and Zaire Under Mobutu

| Michael Dobbs | National Security Archive | April 16, 1999

Mobutu Sese Seko received substantial Western assistance because he was considered strategically useful in Cold War competition in Central and Southern Africa.
Exporting the American Model?

| Tony Smith | Diplomatic History | January 1999

American leaders combined democratic ideals with strategic intervention, often supporting nondemocratic governments when reform threatened U.S. security or economic interests.
The United States and Right-Wing Dictatorships, 1965–1989

| Tony Smith | Princeton University Press | 1994

The United States frequently defended authoritarian governments presented as barriers against communism despite extensive evidence of repression.
The United States and the Trujillo Dictatorship

| Office of the Historian | U.S. Department of State | 1991

U.S. officials tolerated Rafael Trujillo for years because he was considered a dependable anti-communist partner, despite his brutality and regional aggression.
Mobutu and the United States

| Crawford Young and Thomas Turner | Foreign Affairs | Summer 1985

Western governments preserved close relations with Mobutu because of minerals, regional military objectives, and his anti-communist alignment.
The Iranian Revolution and the Failure of American Policy

| George Lenczowski | Foreign Affairs | Spring 1979

Strong identification with the shah left the United States unprepared for the political anger created by repression, inequality, and foreign influence.

Counterterrorism and Security Partnerships

Tunisia’s Democratic Backsliding and Western Silence

| Human Rights Watch | Human Rights Watch | July 27, 2023

European concern with migration and regional security weakened pressure on President Kais Saied as he dismantled democratic institutions.
The European Union’s Migration Deal With Tunisia

| Human Rights Watch | Human Rights Watch | July 19, 2023

Migration control was prioritized over safeguards protecting refugees, migrants, journalists, judges, and political opponents.
EU Support for Tunisia Risks Bankrolling Repression

| Amnesty International | Amnesty International | July 17, 2023

European funding designed to restrict migration risks legitimizing and financing a government responsible for arbitrary detention and abusive treatment of migrants.
Jordan and the United States

| Kali Robinson | Council on Foreign Relations | May 2, 2023

Jordan receives substantial Western assistance because of its cooperation on Israel, refugees, counterterrorism, and regional military operations.
The EU’s Cooperation With Libya

| Human Rights Watch | Human Rights Watch | January 21, 2019

European governments financed and trained Libyan forces to prevent migration despite extensive evidence of detention, forced labor, extortion, and abuse.
Authoritarianism and the Securitization of Development in Africa

| Jonathan Fisher and David M. Anderson | Third World Quarterly | April 2016

Western governments reward African security partners for counterterrorism and peacekeeping even when those governments repress domestic political opposition.
The Moroccan Monarchy and Western Support

| Marina Ottaway | Carnegie Endowment for International Peace | June 19, 2012

Morocco’s monarchy retained Western backing by presenting itself as a moderate, reforming security partner despite restrictions on meaningful political power.
Bahrain’s Problem With Sectarian Politics

| Frederic Wehrey | Carnegie Endowment for International Peace | April 5, 2012

Security cooperation and rivalry with Iran encouraged Western governments to accept the Bahraini monarchy’s coercive response to democratic protest.
Pakistan: Friend or Foe?

| Bruce Riedel | Brookings Institution | August 2, 2011

Washington continued supporting Pakistani military institutions because policymakers considered cooperation essential to Afghanistan and counterterrorism.
The United States and Bahrain

| Jayshree Bajoria | Council on Foreign Relations | April 14, 2011

Bahrain’s hosting of the U.S. Fifth Fleet has limited Washington’s willingness to confront the monarchy over repression of political opposition.
No One Was Watching: Bahrain’s Systematic Repression

| Human Rights Watch | Human Rights Watch | February 8, 2010

Western security ties continued even as Bahraini officials used torture and arbitrary detention against suspected government opponents.
Jordan’s Authoritarian Bargain

| Sean L. Yom | Journal of Democracy | October 2009

Foreign aid, security assistance, monarchical patronage, and controlled elections allowed Jordan’s government to preserve authoritarian stability.
The War on Terror and the Backsliding of Democracy

| Larry Diamond | Journal of Democracy | January 2008

Counterterrorism provided authoritarian rulers with financial assistance, international legitimacy, and opportunities to portray peaceful opponents as security threats.
Creating Enemies of the State

| Human Rights Watch | Human Rights Watch | March 29, 2004

International security cooperation continued while Uzbekistan imprisoned peaceful Muslims and characterized independent religious activity as extremism.
How the War on Terror Strengthened Authoritarianism

| Human Rights Watch | Human Rights Watch | January 2004

Governments allied with the United States used the language of counterterrorism to justify detention, torture, censorship, and restrictions on civil society.
Musharraf at the Crossroads

| Husain Haqqani | Foreign Affairs | January 1, 2004

General Pervez Musharraf used Pakistan’s strategic importance in the war on terrorism to secure Western backing despite postponing democratic restoration.
The United States and Uzbekistan After September 11

| Human Rights Watch | Human Rights Watch | November 2003

Strategic access for operations in Afghanistan led Washington to cooperate with Uzbekistan’s deeply repressive government.
Dangerous Dealings: Changes to U.S. Military Assistance After September 11

| Human Rights Watch | Human Rights Watch | February 1, 2002

Counterterrorism priorities expanded military assistance to governments with serious records of political repression and security-force abuse.

Arms Sales, Military Aid, and Repression

Arms Transfers and Human Rights: Assessing the Relationship

| Asif Efrat | Journal of Global Security Studies | August 2023

Exporting democracies are more likely to restrict arms transfers when abuses become politically visible, but strategic and commercial interests still exert powerful influence.
Civilian Harm and U.S. Security Assistance

| U.S. Government Accountability Office | GAO | June 15, 2022

U.S. agencies often lack complete information about civilian casualties caused by partner governments using American weapons.
The Leahy Laws

| Liana W. Rosen | Congressional Research Service | March 25, 2022

The laws prohibit assistance to implicated security units, but implementation depends on reliable information, political commitment, and effective vetting.
Arms Sales to Saudi Arabia and the War in Yemen

| Jeremy M. Sharp | Congressional Research Service | December 7, 2021

Strategic relations, defense-industry interests, and concern about Iran sustained American military support despite civilian casualties and humanitarian devastation.
The Arms Trade Is Big Business

| Stockholm International Peace Research Institute | SIPRI | December 7, 2020

Economic interests, alliance management, and geopolitical competition drive weapons transfers to governments with widely varying political and human-rights records.
U.S. Arms Sales and Human Rights

| U.S. Government Accountability Office | GAO | January 13, 2020

Government agencies do not always adequately assess or monitor how security partners use American weapons and military equipment.
Human Rights and U.S. Security Assistance

| Congressional Research Service | Congressional Research Service | May 14, 2019

U.S. law contains human-rights restrictions, but national-security waivers and executive discretion frequently allow assistance to continue.
Selling Arms to Dictators

| A. Trevor Thrall and Caroline Dorminey | Cato Institute | September 26, 2018

A large share of U.S. arms transfers goes to governments classified as authoritarian, fragile, corrupt, or responsible for serious human-rights abuses.
Risky Business: The Role of Arms Sales in U.S. Foreign Policy

| A. Trevor Thrall and Caroline Dorminey | Cato Institute | March 13, 2018

Arms sales are frequently justified as instruments of influence even when they strengthen repressive institutions and entangle Washington in regional conflicts.
European Arms Exports to Authoritarian States

| Pieter D. Wezeman et al. | SIPRI | March 2018

European democracies remain major arms suppliers to governments in the Middle East and other regions with limited political rights.
Conventional Arms Transfers to Developing Nations

| Catherine A. Theohary | Congressional Research Service | December 19, 2016

Arms sales to developing countries reflect competition for markets, alliance relationships, military interoperability, and diplomatic influence.
Security Assistance and Human Rights

| U.S. Government Accountability Office | GAO | November 17, 2011

Weak monitoring can make it difficult to determine whether foreign security forces receiving American assistance commit abuses.
Deadly Trade: Arms Transportation, Brokering and the Threat to Human Rights

| Amnesty International | Amnesty International | May 10, 2010

Private brokers and transportation networks help move weapons to abusive governments and armed groups despite national export restrictions.
Shattered Lives: The Case for Tough International Arms Control

| Amnesty International and Oxfam | Amnesty International | October 9, 2003

Weak arms-export controls permit weapons supplied by democratic states to contribute to repression, armed conflict, and civilian suffering.
Dangerous Partnerships

| Amnesty International | Amnesty International | June 11, 2002

Military, security, and police transfers can provide abusive governments with equipment, training, and institutional capacity used against their own populations.

Economic Interests, Aid, and Authoritarian Survival

Aid Is Not Oil

| Sarah Blodgett Bermeo | International Organization | January 2016

The political consequences of aid depend on whether donors pursue strategic influence, humanitarian objectives, or democratic reform.
Foreign Aid and the Survival of Autocratic Regimes

| Faisal Z. Ahmed | International Studies Quarterly | September 2012

External aid can reduce rulers’ dependence on taxation, finance patronage, and provide resources for suppressing political challenges.
The Oil Curse

| Michael L. Ross | Foreign Affairs | May 1, 2012

Oil wealth can produce authoritarianism, corruption, conflict, and gender inequality even as foreign governments prioritize stable access to energy.
Aid and Authoritarian Regime Survival

| James A. Morrison | British Journal of Political Science | January 2012

Nontax revenue from external donors reduces government accountability and helps authoritarian leaders resist demands for political representation.
Foreign Aid and Democratic Development

| Sarah Blodgett Bermeo | International Studies Quarterly | March 2011

Aid from democratic donors can support reform, but its effects vary according to donor interests, geopolitical circumstances, and recipient institutions.
Political Survival and Foreign Aid

| Bruce Bueno de Mesquita and Alastair Smith | Journal of Conflict Resolution | June 2009

Donors often provide aid in exchange for policy concessions, while recipient leaders use resources to preserve ruling coalitions.
Crude Democracy

| Thad Dunning | Cambridge University Press | 2008

Resource wealth affects regime outcomes through its interaction with inequality, elite competition, and the strategic interests of foreign governments.
Does Foreign Aid Promote Democracy?

| Stephen Knack | International Studies Quarterly | March 2004

Foreign aid has little consistent democratizing effect and can strengthen incumbents when recipients control distribution and face weak conditions.
Foreign Aid, Strategic Interests, and Democratization

| Thad Dunning | International Organization | Spring 2004

Cold War competition made aid conditions less credible because donors feared that authoritarian clients might align with rival powers.
Who Gives Foreign Aid to Whom and Why?

| Alberto Alesina and David Dollar | Journal of Economic Growth | March 2000

Colonial ties, political alliances, voting patterns, and strategic interests explain aid allocation more effectively than poverty or democratic governance alone.
The Political Economy of the Resource Curse

| Michael L. Ross | World Politics | January 1999

Oil and mineral income can sustain authoritarian rule while making resource-rich governments valuable economic partners for democratic states.
The Political Economy of Aid Allocation

| Peter J. Schraeder, Steven W. Hook, and Bruce Taylor | World Development | February 1998

Democratic donor governments distribute aid according to commercial and security priorities as well as humanitarian considerations.
The Rentier State in the Arab World

| Hazem Beblawi | Arab Studies Quarterly | Spring 1987

Oil rents allow governments to distribute benefits without taxation, weakening demands for political representation and increasing their attractiveness to foreign economic partners.
The Obsolescing Bargain and Authoritarian Regimes

| Raymond Vernon | Journal of International Business Studies | 1971

Multinational corporations and host governments enter bargaining relationships that may encourage foreign states to prioritize investment protection over political reform.

Democratic Foreign Policy and Strategic Compromise

Democracy Policy Under Biden: Confronting a Changed World

| Thomas Carothers and Frances Z. Brown | Carnegie Endowment for International Peace | February 6, 2024

The Biden administration expanded democracy initiatives while continuing to cooperate with authoritarian and backsliding governments considered important for geopolitical competition and regional security.
Autocracy Versus Democracy After the Ukraine Invasion

| Lucan Ahmad Way | Journal of Democracy | July 2022

International conflict is increasingly described as a contest between democracy and autocracy, even though democratic coalitions continue to include strategically useful nondemocratic governments.
Democracy’s Arc: From Resurgent to Imperiled

| Larry Diamond | Journal of Democracy | January 2022

American leadership in democracy promotion diminished as wars, economic crises, polarization, and competition with authoritarian powers shifted attention toward short-term national interests.

| Frances Z. Brown, Thomas Carothers, and Alex Pascal | Carnegie Endowment for International Peace | November 4, 2021

Case studies of Egypt, India, and Turkey show how security partnerships, regional influence, and military cooperation repeatedly cause the United States to moderate its responses to democratic deterioration.
The New Competitive Authoritarianism

| Steven Levitsky and Lucan A. Way | Journal of Democracy | January 2020

Reduced Western leverage and increased authoritarian support have made it easier for rulers to suppress opposition while preserving beneficial relationships with democratic states.
An Inconvenient Truth: Addressing Democratic Backsliding Within NATO

| Torrey Taussig and Thomas Wright | Brookings Institution | July 10, 2018

NATO’s strategic and consensus-based structure makes democratic governments reluctant to punish member states such as Turkey and Hungary when their leaders undermine liberal institutions.
The Problem of International Order and Nondemocratic States

| Michael J. Mazarr | Foreign Affairs | June 14, 2018

The international order has always included authoritarian governments because cooperation on security, trade, and global institutions often takes precedence over domestic political values.
The End of the Democratic Century

| Yascha Mounk and Roberto Stefan Foa | Foreign Affairs | April 16, 2018

The economic and geopolitical rise of authoritarian states has reduced democracies’ ability and willingness to condition international cooperation on political reform.
The Freedom House Survey for 2017: Democracy Beleaguered

| Michael J. Abramowitz | Journal of Democracy | April 2018

Democratic decline accelerated as powerful democracies tolerated abuses by governments that supplied security cooperation, trade, energy, or geopolitical alignment.
The Democratic Disconnect

| Roberto Stefan Foa and Yascha Mounk | Journal of Democracy | July 2016

Declining public commitment to democratic norms makes it easier for democratic governments to pursue foreign policies based on security and prosperity rather than solidarity with democratic movements.
The Freedom House Survey for 2015: Anxious Dictators, Wavering Democracies

| Arch Puddington and Tyler Roylance | Journal of Democracy | April 2016

Authoritarian rulers intensified repression while established democracies showed declining confidence and weaker commitment to defending democratic norms abroad.
The Authoritarian Resurgence

| Larry Diamond, Marc F. Plattner, and Christopher Walker | Journal of Democracy | January 2016

Authoritarian powers have become more assertive while democracies have grown less willing to defend political freedom when doing so conflicts with economic and strategic interests.
Islamism, the Arab Spring, and the Failure of America’s Do-Nothing Policy in the Middle East

| Shadi Hamid | Brookings Institution | October 14, 2015

American and European acceptance of military intervention against elected Islamist movements signaled that Western governments preferred predictable authoritarianism to uncertain democratic outcomes.
Understanding Authoritarian Regionalism

| Alexander Cooley | Journal of Democracy | October 2015

Regional organizations based on sovereignty and noninterference can protect authoritarian governments, while democratic states may accept these arrangements to preserve diplomatic cooperation.
Is Democracy in Decline? The Weight of Geopolitics

| Robert Kagan | Brookings Institution | June 16, 2015

International power balances strongly influence democratic expansion, and periods of Western accommodation with dictatorships have often strengthened authoritarian rule.
Supporting Democracy Abroad: An Assessment of Leading Powers

| Thomas Carothers and Saskia Brechenmacher | Carnegie Endowment for International Peace | September 14, 2011

Many democratic governments support democracy inconsistently and avoid challenging authoritarian states that are valuable commercial, energy, or security partners.
Democracy’s Third Wave Today

| Larry Diamond | Journal of Democracy | January 2011

International democratic expansion slowed partly because leading democracies became less consistent in pressuring authoritarian allies and supporting political reform.
Superpower Interventions and Their Consequences for Democracy

| William Easterly, Shanker Satyanath, and Daniel Berger | Brookings Institution | May 2008

Cold War interventions by both democratic and communist superpowers frequently produced long-term damage to democracy in countries where strategically inconvenient governments were removed.
The Rise of Competitive Authoritarianism

| Steven Levitsky and Lucan A. Way | Journal of Democracy | April 2002

Hybrid regimes survive partly because democratic governments accept manipulated elections and limited pluralism when incumbents remain useful international partners.

Migration Control and Support for Authoritarian Governments

European Parliament Must Reject Blank Check for Egypt

| Human Rights Watch | Human Rights Watch | April 23, 2024

Fast-tracked European funding risks providing unconditional support to an authoritarian government because policymakers regard Egypt as essential for controlling migration.
The EU’s New Pact With Egypt Is Yet Another Blow to Human Rights

| Eve Geddie | Amnesty International | March 20, 2024

The agreement illustrates how European governments externalize migration enforcement to repressive partners while weakening their own claims to support human rights.
EU-Egypt Deal Rewards Authoritarianism, Betrays Human Rights

| Amnesty International | Amnesty International | March 18, 2024

European funding offered without strong human-rights conditions may strengthen Egypt’s government while reducing incentives to release prisoners or permit civic participation.
The EU’s Migration Partnership With Egypt: A Deal With a Dictator

| Human Rights Watch | Human Rights Watch | March 15, 2024

The European Union’s financial package for Egypt prioritizes migration control and regional stability despite mass imprisonment, torture allegations, and the destruction of political opposition.
Why Europe’s Migration Deals With Autocrats Are Unsustainable

| Judy Dempsey | Carnegie Europe | September 7, 2023

Reliance on authoritarian rulers for border enforcement makes European governments vulnerable to political blackmail and directly contradicts their human-rights commitments.
EU-Tunisia Deal: Human Rights Must Be Central

| Amnesty International | Amnesty International | July 20, 2023

European assistance to Tunisia may empower abusive security institutions unless financial support and migration cooperation are tied to enforceable safeguards.
Tunisia: No Safe Haven for Black African Migrants

| Human Rights Watch | Human Rights Watch | July 19, 2023

The European Union expanded migration cooperation even as Tunisian authorities carried out collective expulsions and tolerated violence against Black migrants.
EU Migration Policies Contribute to Abuse in Libya

| Human Rights Watch | Human Rights Watch | February 6, 2023

European financing and training sustain Libyan interception and detention systems despite extensive documentation of torture, forced labor, sexual violence, and extortion.
Italy-Libya Agreement: Five Years of EU-Sponsored Abuse

| Amnesty International | Amnesty International | February 2, 2022

European support for Libya’s coast guard enables interceptions and returns to abusive detention conditions while shielding Europe from asylum responsibilities.
Migration Diplomacy and the European Union

| Kelly M. Greenhill | International Affairs | September 2021

Governments controlling migration routes can use displaced people as leverage to obtain money, recognition, and policy concessions from democratic states.
Between Life and Death: Refugees and Migrants Trapped in Libya’s Cycle of Abuse

| Amnesty International | Amnesty International | September 24, 2020

European migration cooperation helps maintain a system in which refugees are intercepted, detained, exploited, tortured, and prevented from reaching European territory.
EU: Time to Review and Remedy Cooperation With Libya

| Human Rights Watch | Human Rights Watch | February 12, 2020

European governments continue supporting Libyan authorities because preventing migration is treated as more important than ensuring accountability for abuse.
Eritrea: EU Development Aid Ignores Forced Labor

| Human Rights Watch | Human Rights Watch | August 8, 2019

Infrastructure assistance financed by the European Union used conscript labor and strengthened the government despite the absence of meaningful political and labor protections.
Migration Interdependence and the State

| Fiona B. Adamson and Gerasimos Tsourapas | International Organization | January 2019

Migration relationships give authoritarian states bargaining power over democratic destination countries seeking to prevent refugee and labor flows.
Partners in Crime: Europe’s Role in Libya’s Migration Crisis

| Amnesty International | Amnesty International | December 12, 2017

European states knowingly collaborated with Libyan institutions implicated in detention abuse because keeping migrants away from Europe was a central political objective.
The EU’s Externalization of Migration Management

| Elizabeth Collett and Aliyyah Ahad | Migration Policy Institute | August 2017

European policy increasingly shifts migration enforcement to neighboring governments, including authoritarian states with weak protections for refugees and migrants.
The Human Rights Cost of EU Migration Cooperation With Sudan

| Human Rights Watch | Human Rights Watch | November 30, 2016

European funding intended to limit migration risked strengthening Sudanese security forces responsible for political repression and violence against civilians.
Sudan: EU Risks Complicity in Abuse

| Human Rights Watch | Human Rights Watch | November 28, 2016

Cooperation with Sudan under the Khartoum Process placed migration deterrence above accountability for abuses committed by the authoritarian government.
EU Cooperation With Eritrea Risks Strengthening Repression

| Human Rights Watch | Human Rights Watch | June 8, 2016

European development assistance to Eritrea may reinforce an authoritarian state whose indefinite national service and political repression drive citizens to flee.
Weapons of Mass Migration

| Kelly M. Greenhill | Security Studies | March 2010

Authoritarian governments can deliberately create or manipulate migration pressures to force wealthier democracies to provide assistance or political concessions.

Authoritarian Allies in Africa and Asia

Why Security Assistance to Uganda Deserves Greater Scrutiny

| Otsieno Namwaya | Human Rights Watch | April 15, 2021

Uganda’s military role in regional peacekeeping has helped President Yoweri Museveni retain Western security support despite election violence and repression.
Uganda: Elections Marred by Violence and Repression

| Human Rights Watch | Human Rights Watch | January 21, 2021

Democratic governments maintained strong relations with Uganda as security forces detained opposition supporters, restricted media access, and used lethal force.
The EU-Vietnam Free Trade Agreement and Human Rights

| Amnesty International | Amnesty International | February 12, 2020

Commercial priorities outweighed concerns that Vietnam continued to imprison activists, suppress unions, and prohibit competitive politics.
Vietnam: EU Trade Deal Ignores Rights Crisis

| Human Rights Watch | Human Rights Watch | February 10, 2020

European institutions approved expanded trade relations with Vietnam without obtaining substantial improvements in freedom of association, expression, or political participation.
Cambodia’s Descent Into Outright Dictatorship

| Brad Adams | Human Rights Watch | June 12, 2018

International donors continued engagement after Cambodia dissolved its principal opposition party, demonstrating the limited leverage created by aid without firm political conditions.
Thailand: U.S. Should Not Normalize Military Rule

| Human Rights Watch | Human Rights Watch | October 2, 2017

Security cooperation and Thailand’s longstanding alliance with the United States encouraged renewed diplomatic engagement before the military restored democratic government.
The Philippines: Duterte’s Authoritarian Turn

| Nicole Curato | Journal of Democracy | October 2017

The United States maintained its alliance with the Philippines despite extrajudicial killings because maritime security and competition with China remained overriding concerns.
The United States and Cambodia: Giving Hun Sen a Free Pass

| John Sifton | Human Rights Watch | September 12, 2017

Years of limited consequences from democratic governments allowed Cambodia’s ruler to eliminate opposition parties and independent media while retaining foreign assistance.
How Western Support Enables Authoritarianism in Rwanda

| Ida Sawyer | Human Rights Watch | August 18, 2017

Rwanda’s reputation for development, stability, and security cooperation has encouraged Western donors to overlook political killings, intimidation, and restrictions on opposition.
The Gambia: Why Democracies Sometimes Defend Dictators

| Abdoulaye Saine | Journal of Democracy | April 2017

International pressure against Yahya Jammeh remained limited for years because the small country attracted little strategic attention despite severe repression.
Vietnam: Trade Must Not Trump Human Rights

| Human Rights Watch | Human Rights Watch | May 20, 2016

Strategic concerns about China and interest in trade encouraged the United States to deepen relations with Vietnam despite political imprisonment and one-party rule.
Burundi: The Limits of International Pressure

| Stef Vandeginste | Journal of Democracy | October 2015

Regional governments and international donors struggled to protect democratic institutions when the incumbent president violated term limits and violently suppressed opposition.
Thailand’s Junta and the United States

| Doug Bandow | Cato Institute | June 9, 2014

Washington’s desire to preserve military access and regional influence limited its response after Thailand’s armed forces overthrew an elected government.
They Know Everything We Do: Telecom and Internet Surveillance in Ethiopia

| Human Rights Watch | Human Rights Watch | March 25, 2014

Foreign technology and international assistance helped Ethiopian authorities develop surveillance systems used against journalists and political opponents.
Rwanda: Repression Across Borders

| Human Rights Watch | Human Rights Watch | January 28, 2014

International donors continued supporting Rwanda despite evidence that government critics abroad faced surveillance, threats, disappearances, and violent attacks.
Bad News: Repression of the Media in Rwanda

| Human Rights Watch | Human Rights Watch | January 21, 2014

Rwanda’s Western partners praised economic and administrative performance while applying limited pressure over censorship and the intimidation of independent journalists.
Development Without Freedom in Ethiopia

| Human Rights Watch | Human Rights Watch | October 19, 2010

International development assistance was distributed through state institutions that denied services and opportunities to citizens who opposed Ethiopia’s ruling party.
Zimbabwe: Why the West Failed to Stop Mugabe

| Michael Bratton and Eldred Masunungure | Journal of Democracy | July 2008

Divided international interests, regional solidarity, and fear of instability weakened efforts to prevent electoral violence and authoritarian consolidation.
Suppressing Dissent: Human Rights Abuses and Political Repression in Ethiopia’s Oromia Region

| Human Rights Watch | Human Rights Watch | May 9, 2005

Ethiopia’s status as a strategic and counterterrorism partner weakened international pressure over detention, torture, and restrictions on political organization.
Museveni’s Uganda: Patronage, Repression, and Western Aid

| Nelson Kasfir | Journal of Democracy | April 1998

Foreign assistance and praise for political stability helped Uganda’s government postpone genuine pluralism while consolidating presidential authority.

Arms, Surveillance, and Financial Support

The Global Drive to Control Big Tech

| Steven Feldstein | Carnegie Endowment for International Peace | October 14, 2021

Authoritarian regimes acquire surveillance tools, censorship systems, and digital expertise through international commercial relationships that democratic governments inadequately regulate.
Pegasus Project: How States Use Spyware to Silence Dissent

| Human Rights Watch | Human Rights Watch | July 19, 2021

Governments with close Western relationships obtained invasive surveillance capabilities despite well-documented patterns of repression.
Spyware Used Against Civil Society Around the World

| Amnesty International | Amnesty International | July 18, 2021

Commercial spyware developed and exported through countries allied with major democracies has been used by authoritarian governments against journalists, lawyers, and activists.
How Democracies Enable Autocracy Through Offshore Finance

| Abigail Bellows | Carnegie Endowment for International Peace | July 6, 2020

Anonymous companies, professional intermediaries, and permissive financial systems in democracies allow authoritarian officials to safeguard illicit assets and avoid accountability.
Exporting Digital Authoritarianism

| Adrian Shahbaz | Council on Foreign Relations | June 2020

Surveillance technologies, telecommunications infrastructure, and training programs can spread methods of political control across borders.
The Kleptocracy Curse

| Charles G. Davidson and Ben Judah | Journal of Democracy | October 2019

Western financial secrecy enables authoritarian rulers to transfer stolen wealth abroad while retaining domestic power through patronage and repression.
The Global Expansion of AI Surveillance

| Steven Feldstein | Carnegie Endowment for International Peace | September 17, 2019

Companies and governments from democratic as well as authoritarian countries export artificial-intelligence surveillance systems to states with poor civil-liberties protections.
Bankrolling Autocracy: The Role of Western Financial Systems

| Oliver Bullough | Journal of Democracy | July 2019

Banks, lawyers, accountants, and property markets in democratic countries help authoritarian elites conceal wealth and protect resources acquired through corruption.
China’s Algorithms of Repression

| Human Rights Watch | Human Rights Watch | May 1, 2019

Surveillance and data-analysis systems can help authoritarian governments identify, monitor, and detain citizens on a massive scale.
When Technology Gets Used for Repression

| Chris Meserole and Alina Polyakova | Brookings Institution | February 14, 2019

Digital products developed or sold through global markets allow authoritarian governments to censor information and monitor political opponents more effectively.
Foreign Military Training and Coup Propensity

| Jesse Dillon Savage and Jonathan D. Caverley | Journal of Conflict Resolution | December 2017

Foreign military education may professionalize armed forces, but security assistance can also increase military capacity and political influence in weak democracies.
How U.S. Military Assistance Can Help Autocrats

| Jesse Dillon Savage and Jonathan D. Caverley | Journal of Democracy | July 2017

Military aid can strengthen coercive institutions and increase authoritarian durability when assistance is not accompanied by effective democratic oversight.
The Dictator’s Army: Battlefield Effectiveness in Authoritarian Regimes

| Caitlin Talmadge | Cornell University Press | 2015

Authoritarian rulers organize armed forces for protection against coups and domestic opponents, meaning foreign military assistance may strengthen regime survival rather than national defense.
Does U.S. Military Aid Buy Human Rights Improvements?

| Patricia L. Sullivan, Brock F. Tessman, and Xiaojun Li | Journal of Peace Research | January 2011

Security assistance does not consistently improve recipient governments’ human-rights conduct and may reduce incentives for reform when strategic relationships remain protected.
Blood at the Crossroads: Making the Case for a Global Arms Trade Treaty

| Amnesty International | Amnesty International | September 17, 2008

Weak regulation allows weapons from democratic states to reach governments and armed forces responsible for serious human-rights violations.
Making a Killing: The International Arms Trade and Human Rights

| Amnesty International | Amnesty International | June 15, 2006

Exporting governments and arms companies profit from transfers that may increase the capacity of security forces to suppress peaceful political activity.
Human Rights and U.S. Foreign Assistance

| Steven C. Poe and C. Neal Tate | American Political Science Review | December 1994

Human-rights records influence some aid decisions, but economic interests, military alliances, and Cold War considerations frequently have stronger effects.
The Determinants of U.S. Human-Rights Policy

| Steven C. Poe | American Journal of Political Science | May 1992

Governments of strategic importance generally receive more favorable treatment than less important countries with comparable records of repression.
U.S. Military Aid and Human Rights

| Steven C. Poe | Journal of Peace Research | July 1991

American military assistance has often been distributed according to strategic importance rather than recipients’ respect for physical-integrity rights.